The Truth Of Malaysia: 3/30/08

Thursday, April 3, 2008

Guan Eng advised to be careful when making statements

(NST) PUTRAJAYA, THURS: Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi today advised Penang Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng to be careful in making statements, as he is now a leader of a state government.

He should not be a populist, Abdullah told Bernama after he had a 30-minute meeting with Guan Eng, who is also DAP secretary-general, at his office here.

Abdullah said: “I told him that we have been observing closely what is happening in Penang. I advised him that he is now the leader of the government there and that he should be careful in making statements.”

Referring to Guan Eng’s recent comments on the New Economic Policy (NEP), the prime minister said he should not be making sweeping statements that equated the NEP with corruption.

Abdullah said he could not accept such a sweeping statement as it would cause anger and misunderstanding that would be hard to undo.

The prime minister asked Guan Eng to eradicate poverty and ensure that there was growth with equity in Penang.

Abdullah said he also told Lim that the federal government would honour all its commitments, including several big projects, as planned in Penang.

“These are not show-off or mega projects. These are projects with specific objectives based on the needs of the people,” he said.

On the construction of the Second Penang Bridge, Abdullah said national oil corporation, Petronas, would not fund it because all its revenue was passed to the federal government for development expenditure and subsidies.

Abdullah said he also asked Lim to expedite the acquisition and alienation of land for the construction of the bridge.

Referring to the open tender system based on a level-playing field proposed by Guan Eng, Abdullah reiterated that it may not be fair to groups that were disadvantaged.

The prime minister stressed that the tender process must be equitable.

Meanwhile, Guan Eng told reporters after the meeting that the federal government had assured that all major projects in Penang, including the Second Bridge, would continue as scheduled.

“It is the hope of all parties involved that the bridge would be completed on the scheduled time frame which is Jan 1, 2011,” he said.

Guan Eng said the Penang state government would do whatever it could to ensure that the construction of the bridge did not hit any glitch.

However, he said, the federal government would not fund the construction of the second bridge using funds from Petronas.

“I of course made that suggestion, even if cannot fully, at least partialy (utilise Petronas funds), but he (Abdullah) said it is not possible. Even though I feel that Petronas should fund it, he told me due to the subsidies and other commitments, it is not possible at the moment as much as they would like to.

“The Prime Minister has given his assurance that the project will not face any problems. I also handed over a letter to him outlining several proposals stressing the need for continued development of the state.

“We have also asked that the allocation for Penang by the federal government be increased to the original level. Penang got a reduced federal government allocation last year. I hope to get a favourable reply to the letter soon,” he added.

Guan Eng said he also raised a few political issues with Abdullah “but I don’t want to mention about it here.”
“On the New Economic Policy, we exchanged views and clarification of what was said and what was not said. Certain things are claimed to be said by me which was not said at all but certain things which I said was not published at all.

“But what is important is that we accept the new political situation. He is the PM of the country and I represent the people of Penang,” he added.

Guan Eng also said the Penang state government wanted to have cordial working relations with the federal government so that all the development projects that have been planned could be continued for the people’s benefit.

“The people have made the decision to support a new government in Penang and also support the federal government. It is crucial that we together fulfil the mandate given to continue with the projects identified,” he said.

Guan Eng also expressed the hope that the federal government ministries would maintain their previous relations with the state government and not discriminate the state government just because it was Opposition-based.

Throwing the baby out with the bath water

No, we should not abolish the NEP. We need the NEP. And we need the NEP because many Malays, Chinese and Indians, as well as Natives of Sabah and Sarawak, still need help. But the NEP needs to be revamped while the implementation of the NEP needs to be improved.

Raja Petra Kamarudin

This was what NancyL wrote in the blog under my article in this same column, ‘Elementary, my dear Watson ’:

RPK......AUWWWWWWWWWWW.....how could you did that to your baby.....giving her plain water bottle so that she didn’t ask anymore milk at nite ....her stomach was too small then to indulge bigger amount of milk.....babies get full and hungry quickly.....you are cruel!!!!...HUH!!!...MAN!!!...THAT REMIND ME I WILL NEVER EVER AGAIN LET MY HUB LOOK AFTER MY BABY!!!... Since I had my first baby 6 yrs. ago until my third baby which is 3 now...I had....not even once slept for a one whole full nite...not once....well....

There was a story....when a man approached Prophet Muhammad...asking him..."Who does he have to answer first when both his parents call him?"...then Prophet replied...."Your Mum"....and he asked again...."After that?"....answer was again.... "Your Mum"....and he asked again.....for the 3rd time...and it was still his Mum...until the 4th time...then Prophet said..."Your Dad"....
And the love of a mother is soo high in Islam that it said...."Heaven is under the feet of your mother"......mum loves is different from dad's love...the bond is too strong....only women will understand this!!

A mother will only try to stop her baby from crying for milk at nite ..only when she realised that she is big enuff....that is when she start proper weaning....that is when the time is right...she will wake up at nite no matter what until her child no longer need her to...that’s the love and sacrifice of a mother....

I understand why ur mum didn’t give you the bottle but to agree why you didn’t give ur baby the milk that’s a different issue......

I know that the main point you want to make here is that "Your love for Malays is like the love of a father"...that’s what you want the Malays to know ...and that no matter how bad you said of them is actually just like an act of a father to his child....

written by NancyL, April 02, 2008 20:21:53

NancyL was referring to my act of feeding plain water to my first-born, my daughter, the first week after she was born. Within three days she no longer woke up at 3.00am for her milk feed and I got a good night’s sleep thereafter.

All this talk about my first-born brings back memories of my younger days. They say if you keep reflecting on the ‘good old days’ this is a sign that age has crept up on you. I suppose, at 57 going on 58, I would certainly qualify to be in the category of dunia kata pergi, kubur kata mari, or, as the English would say: having one foot in the grave.

I was 23 and my wife was 19 when we got our first child within one year after we got married. Our daughter was actually due slightly later but my wife was extremely large because the baby was quite ‘over-weight’ so the doctor told us that there was no danger to the baby if my wife underwent an induced birth. It was already past Christmas and if she were not induced then the baby would have been born in January. We decided that December 30th would be better so that she could enter school a year early. Malaysian schools calculate your birthday as at 1st January so even if my daughter were two days old on 1st January it would still be considered as one year. Therefore, just because of two days, my daughter could enter school a year earlier. And of course my income tax for that year would enjoy a deduction though she was born two days before the year was out.

My daughter spent her entire school years in Terengganu until she completed her form five after which she went to MSM in Cheras for her matriculation. Unfortunately though, after her two years matriculation, all her friends were offered scholarships to the UK while my daughter was not.

Naturally my daughter was devastated. She worked hard but she was not offered a scholarship to go to the UK. Her friends, children of Tan Sris and Datuks, were. My wife and I tried explaining to our daughter that her friends’ parents are rich and people of power and position. Even without scholarships they could afford to send their children to the UK, what more with scholarships. We could certainly not afford to do the same.

Our daughter was in tears at the prospect of having to either take a course in one of the local private colleges or go out and work for a living. My wife is the tough one in our family who takes no shit from the children. As for me, however, I am softer, especially as far as my two daughters are concerned. The irony of the whole thing is, my wife ‘spoils’ our sons while I do the same to our daughters, until today. My wife was very firm about the matter and she told our daughter that we can’t afford to send her to the UK, and that was that.

It broke my heart to see my daughter shattered by the realisation that all her hard work for the last 13 years will eventually come to nought. She saw all her friends happily go off to the UK, US, Australia, etc., while she had to suffer the ‘shame‘ of staying home. Yes, peer pressure does this to you. When all get to go except you that is an embarrassment that is hard to endure.

The argument that all her friends are able to go because they have money, plus they obtained government help, is hard to comprehend for someone who has built up her expectations and worked very hard at trying to meet them. Here you are looking ‘failure’ in the face. How can you explain failure? How can you justify failure? How can any argument be acceptable if it means you have to accept failure as the final option? My daughter could not accept the fact that she will have to be denied her university education in the UK. She looked at it as a failure on the part of her parents. Parents are supposed to guarantee their children an education. Why are her parents not able to do that?

I relented and told my wife we will send our daughter to the UK even if it kills us. I spoke to a friend who was also our family doctor in Terengganu, Dr Menon, and he advised my daughter to take up medicine. But my daughter can’t stand the sight of blood and when she dissects a frog she feels geli and closes her eyes. No way can she perform brain surgery with her eyes closed. The second option then, Dr Menon advised, would be to do biochemistry.

I told my daughter to go to the British Council and speak to the career guidance counsellor for advise as to which university she can go to which offers biochemistry. She had to do this entirely on her own with no help from me. I was not going to get involved and she would have to make her own decision on the matter.

She finally decided on the University of Kent at Canterbury, which was able to offer the course she wanted to do and which had vacancies for overseas students. My wife and I scrounged every cent we could get our hands on. We also sold the few lots of Amanah Saham that, thankfully, we had and gave the money to our daughter. That would pay for her tuition fees and lodging, at least for the first year. We shall worry about the second year when the second year is upon us. We then bought her a one-way plane ticket and dropped her off at the Subang Airport.

That was it. She now had a university to go to and a plane ticket with which to get there. From hereon she was on her own. We will not be able to bring her back every year for her school holidays nor will we be able to escort her to the UK or attend her graduation. We just did not have the money for all that. We will see her back in Malaysia three years later, after she graduates.

We said goodbye at the Subang Airport, told her to take care of herself, and promised to be at the Subang Airport in three years time when she returns. She would be the only student whose parents did not proudly witness their children's graduation. I could see the worry in my wife’s face. “We should have sent her to the UK to make sure she is alright. How is she going to manage?” We then went home and had a good cry. It was the most irresponsible thing any parent could have done. All we could do was pray that divine intervention will ensure our daughter will be okay.

I told my wife that our daughter is a tough girl. She will be okay. She will find her way to Canterbury and in three years’ time she will come home, a biochemist. Her toughness was demonstrated during my ISA detention when she counselled my wife, who was in desperation and at the point of a mental breakdown, to psychologically prepare for the possibility that it may be a long time before I get to come home.

Well, that was a lifetime ago and is all water under the bridge now. At that time I just wanted to mend my daughter’s broken heart and allow her to live her dream of going to the UK for her university education. It was financially painful for my wife and me but is that not what parents are for, to take the pain so that their children can be assured a bright future? And that was what kept me going during my ISA detention when I did not know whether it would be a mere two months or many years. I am doing this and am suffering for the future of my children, I kept telling myself. It makes the unbearable bearable when you can convince yourself that this is so.

I did not think, in all that time, that if the children of Tan Sris and Datuks could get government help to go to the UK then my daughter should have been allowed the same. I did not think, in all that time, that since I could not afford to send my daughter to the UK then the government is obligated to extend help to me. I did not think, in all that time, that since I am Malay then my daughter is entitled to government help to go to the UK. I did not think, in all that time, that the NEP is supposed to help all Malaysians, regardless of race and religion, as long as they are deserving of help. I did not think, in all that time, that political leaning does not count, and even if you are on the opposite political divide to the powers-that-be this does not disqualify you from government assistance. I did not think, in all that time, that the NEP is merely a weapon to ensure that you support the ruling party or else you face discrimination from the powers-that-be. The only thing I was thinking, the only thing on my mind, was that I was going to send my daughter to the UK come hell or high water.

Yes, I would be the worst candidate to convince that the NEP in its present form works. Yes, I would be the worst candidate to convince that the NEP has not been abused. Yes, I would be the worst candidate to convince that we do not need some form of NEP. Yes, I would be the worst candidate to convince that the NEP does not need a major overhaul to ensure that Malays, Chinese, Indians and the Natives of Sabah and Sarawak will get assistance if they are deserving of assistance.

No, we should not abolish the NEP. We need the NEP. And we need the NEP because many Malays, Chinese and Indians, as well as Natives of Sabah and Sarawak, still need help. But the NEP needs to be revamped while the implementation of the NEP needs to be improved. And this needs to be done to ensure that others do not break out into tears like my daughter when they are told they cannot go to university because they have the ‘wrong ‘skin colour or support the ‘wrong’ political party. This also needs to be done to ensure that others like me do not need to pawn everything they own to be able to grant their children a university education.

Throwing the baby out with the bath water

The significance of the Monarchy and the two-thirds majority in Parliament

It must further be noted that, according to Shad Saleem Faruqi, as at 2005, the Constitution has been amended 42 times over the 48 years since independence. However, as several amendments were made each time, he estimates the true number of individual amendments at around 650.

Raja Petra Kamarudin

For some time now, Malaysians, Malays included, have been talking about abolishing the Monarchy so that Malaysia can be turned into a Republic. Others question the purpose of maintaining a Monarchy that costs money but is of no use to the majority of Malaysians -- other than maybe members of the Royal Family. Others want to retain the Monarchy but they want the Rulers to get off their backs and earn their salary by doing some work. However, when the Rulers actually do some work, these same people will complain that the Rulers should not ‘interfere’ in the running of the country but should instead sit quietly and don’t get involved in matters of state.

Lately, since the 8 March 2008 general election, Malaysians have been talking about the two-thirds majority in Parliament (which Barisan Nasional has lost), though many do not really comprehend the significance of winning or losing this two-thirds majority. And they also fail to understand how this two-thirds majority works alongside the Monarchy.

Why is the Monarchy crucial? Can Malaysia function without a Monarchy? Is a two-thirds majority in Parliament crucial? Can the government function without its two-thirds majority in Parliament? Hey, why ask me? I am not a lawyer. Even lawyers are sometimes lost unless he or she is a constitutional lawyer.

Okay, let’s get serious. Let’s, today, try to understand these issues so that when you post comments in Malaysia Today’s blogs you will not put your foot in your mouth and make a fool of yourself. First of all, Malaysia has a law called the Sedition Act and to make a statement asking for the abolishment of the Monarchy is seditious and a crime under the Sedition Act.

Of course, the Sedition Act can be amended or repealed so that it is no longer a crime to propose the abolishment of the Monarchy. But only a government with a two-thirds majority can do this unless the ‘other side’ will support the bill tabled by a government that does not have a two-thirds majority in Parliament. So, until then, be very careful with what you say because asking for Malaysia to be turned into a Republic can get you sent to jail.

Let us first review the history of the Federal Constitution of Malaysia. From 18 January to 6 February 1956, a conference was held in London to look into the task of drawing up a Malayan Constitution. Britain itself, the host country, did not have a written constitution so it is quite ironical that our colonial master would want to recommend one for us.

The Rulers supported the move to come out with a written constitution and they sent four of their representatives to participate in the conference. The Chief Minister of the Federation, Tunku Abdul Rahman, together with four Ministers also participated in the conference, as did the British High Commissioner to Malaya plus his advisers.

The conference proposed that an independent commission be set up and be given the task of coming out with a constitution for a fully self-governing and independent Federation of Malaya. Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II as well as the Malay Rulers agreed to this move and with that the Reid Commission was set up and headed by Lord William Reid. The Queen, with the agreement of the Malay Rulers, also appointed constitutional experts from fellow Commonwealth countries to sit in the Reid Commission.

The Federal Constitution of Malaya came into force on 27 August 1957, four days before independence or Merdeka. In drawing up this new constitutional, various factors were taken into consideration.

1) The Federation of Malaya Independence Act 1957, together with the Orders in Council made under it.
2) The Federation of Malaya Agreement 1957 between the government of the United Kingdom and the government of the Federation of Malaya.
3) The Federal Constitution Ordinance 1957 passed by the Malayan Parliament.
4) The State Enactments of each of the Malay States, approving and giving force of law to the Federal Constitution of Malaya.

Invariably, the Federal Constitution of Malaya, with significant amendments included, was used as the basis for the Federal Constitution of Malaysia when Malaya, Sabah, Sarawak, and Singapore merged to form Malaysia in 1963.

Now, it must be noted that Sabah, Sarawak and Singapore did not join Malaysia. Malaysia did not exist yet, then. What existed was Malaya -- and Sabah, Sarawak and Singapore merged with Malaya to form Malaysia. This means, Sabah, Sarawak and Singapore are of the same status as Malaya, not of the same status as one of the states of Malaya such as Selangor, Perak, Kedah, Perlis, Penang, etc. Today, Sabah and Sarawak are treated as just another of the Malaysian states and that is the bone of contention of these two East Malaysian states.

This was also one of the sore points in the Singapore-Malaysia relationship that resulted in Singapore leaving the Federation. Tunku Abdul Rahman did not agree that Lee Kuan Yew call himself Prime Minister of Singapore as the Tunku did not see how Malaysia could have two Prime Ministers. Lee Kuan Yew, on the other hand, did not agree to being ‘downgraded’ to a Chief Minister like Penang, Melaka, Sabah and Sarawak. Actually, Lee Kuan Yew was right and the Tunku wrong as far as I am concerned, though 99% of the Malays would disagree with me on this point.

The Federal Constitution of Malaysia can, of course, be amended and has, in fact, been amended many times. The Constitution itself has provisions under Articles 159 and 161E on how it may be amended. And the amendments can be made by federal law and in the following ways:

1. Some Articles may be amended only by a two-thirds majority in each House of Parliament but only if the Conference of Rulers consents to it. This means, even if you have a two-thirds majority in Parliament, you can’t amend these Articles in the Constitution unless the Rulers agree to the amendments. This would be with regards to the following:

* Amendments pertaining to the powers of sultans and their respective states
* The status of Islam in the Federation
* The special position of the Malays and the natives of Sabah and Sarawak
* The status of the Malay language as the official language

2. Some Articles in the Constitution related to Sabah and Sarawak may be amended by a two-thirds majority in each House of Parliament but only if the Governors of the two East Malaysian states concurs. This would be with regards to the following:

* Citizenship of persons born before Malaysia Day
* The constitution and jurisdiction of the High Court of Borneo
* The matters with respect to which the legislature of the state may or may not make laws, the executive authority of the state in those matters and financial arrangement between the Federal government and the state.
* Special treatment of natives of the state

3. Then there are some Articles in the Constitution that may be amended by a two-thirds majority in each House of Parliament. These amendments do not require the consent of anybody outside Parliament. (The extension of the tenure of the Chairman of the Elections Commission is one case in point).

4. Some Articles, which are not that important, may be amended by Parliament with just a simple majority. You, therefore, do not need a two-thirds majority in Parliament in some cases. (Not sure what these are until I get elected into Parliament and find out what they are).

It must further be noted that, according to Shad Saleem Faruqi, as at 2005, the Constitution has been amended 42 times over the 48 years since independence. However, as several amendments were made each time, he estimates the true number of individual amendments at around 650. Shad argued that there is no doubt that the spirit of the original document has been diluted. This sentiment has been echoed by other legal scholars who argue that important parts of the original Constitution, such as jus soli (right of birth) citizenship, a limitation on the variation of the number of electors in constituencies, and Parliamentary control of emergency powers, have been so modified or altered by amendments that the present Federal Constitution bears only a superficial resemblance to its original model. It has been estimated that between 1957 and 2003, almost thirty Articles have been added and repealed as a consequence of the frequent amendments.

Okay, that is the history of the Federal Constitution of Malaysia and the role the two-thirds majority and the Monarchy play in upholding this Constitution. If further discussion is required we can always come up with parts 2 and 3 of this piece so that, hopefully, in the end, all Malaysians can become experts on the issue and we no longer require lawyers to tell us how the system works.

But before I sign off, can you now see the logic in not allowing any one group, whether Barisan Nasional or Pakatan Rakyat, in having a two-thirds majority in Parliament? Giving them two-thirds is like having no opposition at all. Better they rule without the two-thirds and the ‘other side’ supports any bills that deserve supporting while they can oppose anything that should be opposed. If this were the case then the Chairman of the Elections Commission would have never seen his tenure extended and the recent general election would not have been rife with fraud.

Elementary, my dear Watson

Why can’t we build more universities? We spent RM100 million to celebrate the 50th Anniversary of Merdeka last August. That is one university complete with equipment, fittings, libraries, and whatnot. We spend RM300 million a year on the Terengganu Monsoon Cup. That would be another three universities a year.

Raja Petra Kamarudin

More than 50 years or so ago, when I was still a baby, my mother weaned me off my bottle in quite a shattering manner, literally-speaking of course. After I finished drinking my milk, I would hurl the bottle over the cot and it would go crashing to the floor and shatter into a million pieces. In those days, milk bottles were made of glass, not of plastic like nowadays. Plastic technology, then, was not as advanced as today so bottles were made of glass -- and tins from tin, tyres from rubber, car dashboards from wood, and so on. Today, of course, nothing is original any longer and most products are manufactured from synthetic materials. Even ‘wooden’ car dashboards and faces of certain Menteri Besar are made from plastic.

The cost to replace my bottles was certainly pretty exorbitant and eventually it became cheaper to carpet the entire room to cushion the bottles when they came crashing to the floor. One day, however, my mother removed the carpet and when I threw my bottle out of my cot it hit the floor and smashed into smithereens. My mother stormed into the room and raised quite a ruckus. “That’s it,” she said, “now you have no more bottle. You will have to drink from a cup from now on.”

When it came time for my next milk routine, my mother brought my drink in a cup and I of course refused to drink it out of a cup. I wanted my bottle. My mother then reminded me that I had just smashed my bottle that very morning so I would now have to drink out of a cup or else no milk for me. It was either a cup or no milk so I reluctantly agreed to the cup. It was I, after all, who had smashed my bottle so I really had no one else to blame except myself. Eventually the cup became second nature until I discovered that there are certain drinks that are best drunk straight from a bottle. But that would be another story for another time though.

When my wife and I got our first baby, the deal was: she had carried our daughter for nine long months so it was now my turn to suffer -- I had to wake up at 3.00am to feed the baby. The first week was very tiring and I went to office the following day feeling very groggy. The second week, however, I filled the bottle with plain water and after three days or so my daughter no longer woke up in the middle of the night. She probably did not find it remunerating enough to wake up just for a drink of plain water.

There is currently quite a bit of brouhaha about the continuation of the New Economic Policy or NEP. Even ‘progressive’ Malays like Shahrir Samad, surprisingly, are of the opinion that the NEP must be retained because the Malays are not yet ready for the removal of their ‘security blanket’. I suppose, as long as you still bottle-feed the Malays, they would continue to demand it. But once the bottle is smashed or you feed them plain water, they may decide to move on and not keep clinging to their baby ways.

There are two things about the NEP. One concerns education and the other business opportunities. The education part is actually not as complex as what some make it out to be. Sure, there are certain quotas allocated to Malays while non-Malays are given a token quota. And because of the limited places in local universities, the non-Malays have to pay for their own education, in particular at overseas universities.

But does this need to be so? China has more than 1,000 universities with more than 100 in Beijing alone. Malaysia, which has only twice the population of Beijing, does not even come close to the number of Beijing universities. Based on the Beijing population to number of universities ratio, Malaysia should have at least 250 universities as opposed to less than 10% that at the present moment.

Why can’t we build more universities? We spent RM100 million to celebrate the 50th Anniversary of Merdeka last August. That is one university complete with equipment, fittings, libraries, and whatnot. We spend RM300 million a year on the Terengganu Monsoon Cup. That would be another three universities a year. We are spending more than RM3 billion on the second Penang bridge. That would be about 35 universities. With savings from this, that and the other, we could have 100 new universities built over 10 years.

Yes, we do have money. It is only that the money is spent on the wrong things. According to Umno circles, Daim Zainuddin has transferred RM42 billion of our taxpayers’ money out of the country and has sunk this colossal amount into about ten banks that he owns in Africa and Eastern Europe. That RM42 billion plus all the other money that has disappeared into the pockets of Umno cronies could have built 1,000 universities, as many as they have in China though our population is just twice that of Beijing.

If our money had been well-managed and better-spent, today we would have more universities than students. We would be begging Malaysians to go to university because most of the lecture halls would be empty. Who would need the NEP? There would be no need for racial quotas. Our problem would not be about limiting places in universities so that these places could be reserved for Malays. Our problem would be about how to convince non-Malays to stop going overseas and instead go to local universities because there are just not enough students for the too many universities.

But the reality of the situation is, our money has been wasted. Billions have disappeared into the pockets of Umno warlords and their cronies. Billions have been spent on the wrong things. I have estimated that, over 30 years, Petronas has earned about RM1 trillion. One Petronas consultant tells me that I am wrong. The figure should be RM2 trillion, he says. RM1 trillion or RM2 trillion what’s the difference? Both figures are equally exorbitant.

If just part of that money had gone into building one new university a year, today Malaysia would have no less than 50 universities. They could have even built 100 universities over 30 years with RM2 trillion. And we would then no longer need to reserve places in these universities. We would no longer require racial quotas. And this means we would no longer need the NEP.

The NEP started in 1970 and has gone on for 38 years now. We started earning petroleum revenue in 1974 and have continued earning for 34 years now. But the petroleum money did not go into addressing what ails this country. And soon this petroleum money will dry up but what ails us will remain. We missed a golden opportunity to resolve our race problems with the income from the black gold. But we did not. And because of that we still need the NEP because, without the NEP, Malays would not have places in local universities.

The NEP is not just about education or places in universities, some would say. It is also about business opportunities. Sure, but is that an excuse not to solve at least half the problem; racial quotas in universities. If we solve one problem then we will have only one problem left to solve. Now, after 38 years, we still have two unresolved problems, and both involve race and racial quotas.

Okay, say that the government had solved the problem of racial quotas in local universities by building so many universities that there are no longer enough students, Malays or otherwise, to fill them up. This would still not solve the second problem of creating more business opportunities for Malays, many would argue. Actually this is not quite true. Malays have been in business since before 1969 and these Malays were actually very successful in their time.

Take Abdullah Ahmad Badawi’s ex-father-in-law as one example. Mahmud Ambak was a very successful businessman, as were his peers such as Safuan, Mat Jan, HM Shah, and so on. No doubt there was only a handful of such people and you could count them on your fingers of one hand. But the numbers were beginning to grow and, in the East Coast, the Malays were involved in all types of businesses and were even beating the non-Malays on top of that.

Then came the NEP and with it came the quotas and Umnoputeras. Eventually the rent-seekers and commission agents monopolised the scene. Furthermore, you had to be an Umno warlord to obtain businesses, contracts and quotas -- so eventually your Umno membership and not your business acumen decided whether you got ahead or not. The genuine businessmen soon folded up and the Ali Babas; Umno Malays backed by Chinese towkays; took over. And what we see today are products of the NEP rather than genuine businessmen who made it because they are good in business.

The NEP killed the ‘real’ Malays. In their place emerged the Umnoputeras. Without the NEP and with a level playing field, Malays would have made it -- but only the good Malays, not the commission agents. Granted, without the NEP, there would have been fewer Malays in business. But these few Malays would have been the quality Malays. Now we have the ‘low-class’ Malays who made it only because they are Umnoputeras and for no other reason. Why play the numbers game? Why go for quantity without quality? Would it not have been better to see the birth of the Robert Kuoks, Queks and Tan Chin Tuans of the Malay community, people we could be proud of?

To say that the Malays would never reach the level of the Robert Kuoks, Queks and Tan Chin Tuans without the help of the NEP is an insult to the Malays. I, for one, believe I can make it with or without the NEP. To say I am who I am because of the NEP and that I would be nothing if not for the NEP is a great insult and I take it as an insult. I believe that without the NEP and without the unfair advantage given to the Umnoputeras there would be no ‘ceiling’ above my head and the sky would be my limit.

But alas, I need to be Umno to get ahead and I need to be an Umnoputera to get my hands on quotas, contracts and permits to make it in the business world. It is not a level playing field and unless I am prepared to play the game according to the rules of the game then I had better not bother to play at all.

The NEP is our milk bottle. But eventually we need to grow up and discard the bottle. We are now 38 years old so surely we should stop drinking from the bottle by now. But we are still being given the bottle. And the bottle is in the form of the NEP. And because of that we are still babies even at 38 years old. And our ‘mother’ tells us that we are still going to be given the bottle over the next 50 years. I will not live another 50 years. I may not even live another ten. But I shall still be offered the bottle till the day I go to my grave.

Yes, we Malays are going to die as babies. We shall never be allowed to grow up. We shall never see that bottle go crashing to the ground and getting smashed into a million pieces. And because we have never be weaned out of the bottle we shall know no other way in which to drink our milk. And we will never learn how to eat rice because we do not know how to grow and cook rice. But one day, when the ‘mother’ dies, we shall cry and cry, asking for our milk that will never come. And the baby will die when the mother dies because the baby knows no other way in which to feed itself other than waiting for the mother to bring the bottle.

That is the sad future for the Malays. Do you now know why the baby does not want the mother known as Umno to die? This is because the baby needs its daily dose of milk which only the mother can provide.

The real issues

Okay, we will give you some breathing space. We will give you your 100 days. But come 19 June 2008 we are going to do your 100-day report card. And if you have nothing to show for those 100 days we are going to whack you hard, harder than how we whack Barisan Nasional.

Raja Petra Kamarudin

Some of you may have noticed that I have changed my phone number -- as well as that of my wife and daughter. The three of us used to own 012/017 numbers, which is Maxis. Well, I changed our phone numbers for two reasons.

First of all Maxis is owned by Ananda Krishnan, an Umno crony. And I was told that in the recent general election he contributed hundreds of millions of Ringgit to Umno. That makes him an enemy of the people. The people wanted a change and that was the reason for the 8 March 2008 ‘winds of change’ Tsunami. But Ananda ‘resisted’ this change by donating hundreds of millions of Ringgit to Umno in an attempt to frustrate the people’s effort to bring about this change.

While on this subject, the mainstream media, which are mainly Barisan Nasional owned, have been spinning stories in an attempt to mislead the people. Barisan Rakyat has launched a ‘boycott BN media’ campaign. Actually this boycott was already launched in 2000 and since then many of us no longer buy these newspapers. The boycott must extend beyond just the newspapers though. We must also boycott all those products that advertise in these newspapers. Don’t buy any products which are advertised in the Barisan Nasional newspapers.

This is the only way to hurt them, where it hurts most, in their pockets. And this is what civil disobedience is all about. Boycott food, services, and products owned by Barisan Nasional cronies or people and companies that support Barisan Nasional with hundreds of millions in political funds. They make money from us and then give it to Barisan Nasional. Why help them make money, which is then used to fight the Rakyat? Start the boycott now. Let civil disobedience reign supreme.

Just before the recent elections, one ‘high-up’ Umno man asked me whether I know how much money Barisan Nasional collected for the election. I replied that in the previous elections they spent about RM1.5 billion so I guess for this election it should be closer to RM2-2.5 billion. The Umno kingpin laughed and asked me to guess again.

“You mean it’s lower or higher?” I asked him.

“Higher!”

“What? Don’t tell me it’s RM5 billion!”

“RM22 billion!” he replied, pleased that for once I did not know something.

“RM22 billion? No way. It can’t be RM22 billion. RM22 billion is a lot of money…..too much money. It can’t be that high. Where is that money? You can’t see it. Even the posters, banners and flags this time around are not that much compared to previous elections. In fact, the Umno boys on the ground are complaining that they are not receiving much money. You just can’t see the RM22 billion. It’s not getting down to the ground.”

“Hey, I did not say they spent RM22 billion. I said they collected RM22 billion.”

“Oh, now I get it. Even then, RM22 billion is a lot of money. Where would they get their hands on that much money?”

“How much do the many ‘corridors’ come to?” the Umno warlord asked me.

“About RM1.2 trillion,” I replied, quoting the figure that the government announced.

“Well, what is RM22 billion compared to RM1.2 trillion? That comes to only how many percent? And why do you think Pak Lah rushed into launching all these corridors just before the elections? And why do you think they rushed into building the infrastructure even though they still don’t know yet whether anyone is going to invest in these corridors? And all the infrastructure contracts are negotiated without tender, mind you. So it is very easy to inflate the prices.”

Hmm….now it began to make sense. And against RM1.2 trillion I suppose RM22 billion is not that much. But the money was certainly not spent to finance the recent election. Most Umno people complained that they did not receive much money and had to depend on their own ‘internal’ resources. Normally, elections are a very ‘profitable’ exercise for the Umno workers. For example, in the Ijok by-election, they spent RM96 million, RM60 million of it in cash. And that was just a state seat, not even a Parliament seat. The 8 March 2008 general election was probably the ‘cheapest’ election in 20 years with only about RM1 billion spent. So someone, somewhere, has pocketed a cool RM21 billion. Wow!

The second reason I changed my phone number is because as soon as the election results were announced I began receiving phone calls from all and sundry, some who had not phoned me for years. These calls were mostly from businessmen and contractors who wanted to ‘discuss business’. “Don’t worry, you will be ‘covered’,” they assured me.

“Hey, I am not in the government,” I replied. “There is nothing I can do to help you get business.”

“Never mind. Surely you can help influence the state governments.”

These people disgust me. We fought for change so that we could get rid of the corruption, not so that we could take over the scams and make money for ourselves. No, I will not be going out for dinner and drinks with businessmen and contractors to discuss business deals in the five states under the control of Barisan Rakyat. And I will be watching all those in government, whether in Barisan Nasional- or Barisan Rakyat-controlled states, to make sure that our leaders do not frolic with businessmen and contractors. Justice must not only be dispensed; it must also be seen as having been dispensed as well. In that same spirit, transparency must not only be the order of the day; the people must also see that there is transparency. It is not enough we run a clean government. The people must also see that we run a clean government. It must be visible.

By tomorrow, it will be three weeks since the opposition took control of Kelantan, Kedah, Penang, Perak and Selangor. What has Barisan Rakyat shown for these three weeks? Granted, the PAS Menteri Besar of Perak has asked us to give him 100 days. Sure, we are prepared to give them 100 days. But 20 days have gone by and you have only 80 days left. And 80 days is not long. Before you know it, it will be 19 June 2008 and your 100 days will be up.

Okay, we will give you some breathing space. We will give you your 100 days. But come 19 June 2008 we are going to do your 100-day report card. And if you have nothing to show for those 100 days we are going to whack you hard, harder than how we whack Barisan Nasional.

There appears to be still too much politicking. The elections are over so the politicking should now come to an end. Barisan Rakyat may be the opposition in Parliament but in the five states it is the ruling government. It must therefore think, talk and act like a ruling government. Thus far, all we are hearing are trivial statements and window dressing. There also appears to be a certain level of witch-hunting and vengeance against the previous government. This is going to bog down the state administrations. All this must come to an immediate stop.

Okay, the voters who voted you into office want blood. They also want some heads on a platter. They kicked out Barisan Nasional because of the mismanagement and corruption. And they are not prepared to grant an amnesty or pardon to the criminals from the previous administration. In that case, set up an Ombudsman to look into the past transgressions and violations. The Ombudsman will also be tasked with the job of monitoring the present governments to ensure that history is not repeated.

For three weeks we have been asking for the Ombudsman to be set up but thus far we have received no response or signal from any of the five state governments. Why so quiet? Do they intend to set one up or not? It appears like Barisan Rakyat is not too concerned with the people’s wishes. Sure, you run the state governments, not us, and we have no business ‘interfering’ with the way you run the states. After all, we are ‘outsiders’. But that is exactly what Barisan Nasional used to say and see what happened to them.

There need not be five Ombudsmen, one for each state. There should be only one to monitor all five states. The five states should ‘merge’ their resources into a ‘regional’ Corridor Rakyat of sorts to rival the other ‘corridors’ set up by Barisan Nasional. This Corridor Rakyat can also become the economic grouping to coordinate and streamline investments in the five states.

The five states must stop thinking as ‘independent’ states and instead adopt a new ‘culture’ of regional cooperation. When we think, talk and act, we should not do so as Kelantan, Kedah, Penang, Perak and Selangor but as a one, united Corridor Rakyat. This not only offers consistency but will also help reduce cost. Why do we need five doing the same job, which will involve five times the cost, when all five can share the cost plus achieve a standardising of policies as well?

The last thing we want is for investors to discover that the ‘rules of engagement’ differ from state to state. They want to see one policy for all states so that life becomes less complicating. Trying to understand Malaysian ‘culture’ is bad enough. And we can’t deny that Malaysia is certainly a weird place and Malaysians even weirder. On top of that they have to understand how things work differently in the states because each state is different from the other.

If I am an investor and if I want to invest RM1 billion in one of the five states whom do I go and see? In case I have a problem whom do I talk to? Say I want to make a suggestion or I want to lodge a complaint, whom is the person in-charge? Do I talk to one person, whoever that person is, or do I have to talk to each of the five states separately? Is there a one-stop agency I can liaise with or do I need to refer to 65 different government agencies and departments in each state and multiply that by five if I need to talk to all the five states?

Okay, questions, questions and yet more questions. But do we have the answers? Do we know what is wrong? Do we know what needs to be done to set things right? Fine, I know that the 100 days are not up yet and we need to give these governments time to get their acts together. Other than Kelantan, the other four are all ‘virgin’ governments. And prior to 8 March 2008 they never suspected they would be setting up these state governments. Not only Barisan Nasional, Barisan Rakyat is also still in shock.

Tell you what, Malaysia Today will volunteer its services to organise a one-day seminar for the key policy-makers in these five Barisan Rakyat states. The states need not pay anything. Malaysia Today will look for sponsors to pay for the whole thing. We shall then invite investors to talk to these policy-makers so that they can better-understand what are the problems investors face when trying to set up businesses in Kelantan, Kedah, Penang, Perak and Selangor. Hopefully, at the end of that seminar, the states would understand the problems investors face when dealing with the states and what needs to be done to smoothen things out and to make it easier and more pleasant when dealing with state governments.

Over to you Barisan Rakyat -- the ball is at your feet. At least you can’t complain that Malaysia Today only knows how to complain but does not help in any way. In the meantime, while we wait for Barisan Rakyat to respond, read the following piece, which has been circulating in the internet the last few days. I don’t know who wrote it but this could easily apply to Barisan Rakyat as it does to Barisan Nasional.

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From: Abdullah Ahmad Badawi

Dear fellow Malaysians,

Thank you for voting Barisan Nasional back into power. It is with great honour that I will serve you for another term. I want to share with you what I plan to do in the next four or five years to fulfil your aspirations for the country.

You used your votes to send me a message – a message that I didn't hear earlier, but which I hear now, loud and clear. Yes, it was a wake up call for a rude awakening and me for all of us at BN. We must never take the Malaysian public for granted.

One of the loudest things I hear from you is 'No more arrogant, inflammatory and racist rhetoric'. I admit several of my outspoken ministers and yes, even my own son-in-law, have said things that hurt the feelings of many segments of our society, especially the non-Malays. I should have rebuked them immediately but I didn't.

I didn't share their views, I'm sure you know that, but I was complacent in thinking such comments would eventually blow over. Little did I realize that many of you had actually taken them to heart. As a prime minister for all Malaysians, I should have been more sensitive. The next time any Umno leaders say things that are out of line, I guarantee you I will slap them down straight away. And if they don't apologise for the hurt they cause, I will ask them to resign whatever posts they hold in the party or the government. That is how seriously I take the matter.

I was mistaken in thinking that Malaysians would be content and grateful just to have peace and security in this country. But after 50 years, Malaysia has grown up. We are becoming a developed nation. Peace and security is not enough. Economic development is not enough. The people want and deserve civil liberties.

As such, I am going to take steps to honour not just the law but also the spirit of the Constitution, which guarantees freedom of speech and freedom of assembly. That means getting rid of the Printing Presses and Publications Act. In addition, all government parties will be required to divest itself of ownership in news media companies. I know this means opening myself and my government to critical articles by journalists, but that's what free speech is all about. And I accept that.

People will no longer need to apply for a permit from the police to peacefully assemble and even to protest. Of course if they make a nuisance of themselves or become rowdy, law enforcement officers will have to do their job to ensure public safety. But your right to peacefully assemble will be respected.

I am going to get rid of the dreaded Internal Security Act and the Kamunting detention facility will be torn down and converted into some new commercial development. To be honest with you, I didn't want to detain those five Hindraf guys without trial. It's against my nature to do such things. But alas, I listened to advisors who been giving me wrong advice. They will be freed, as will other ISA detainees, but if there is evidence against any of them, they will be charged and have their day in court.

Speaking of courts, I will be asking the King to set up a new Royal Commission of Inquiry and this time, the terms of reference will extend all the way back to the controversial sacking of Salleh Abbas. Many learned lawyers have highlighted that it was that incident which started the rot in our judiciary. I know we might be opening a can of worms but let the law take its course. I am determined to repair our judiciary.

The Official Secrets Act will also be removed and replaced by the Freedom of Information Act. People rightly view the OSA as an impediment to catching crooks within the government. In contrast, a Freedom of Information Act will help us catch those crooks. When you first elected me, I was known as Mr Clean. Nobody calls me that now but by the time my second term ends, that's what you'll be calling me again. Just wait and see.

Last but not least – and I've really saved the best for last – I am going to initiate something that will end communal politics once and for all. Umno will soon stand for the United Malaysian National Organisation and all component parties in the BN will be invited to merge with the old Umno that we can become one big multiracial party. Also, the NEP will stand for Newest Economic Policy that will help all Malaysians regardless of race. Take that, Anwar!

None of the things I've mentioned is going to be easy to implement. There will be resistance like you wouldn't believe. But if I am going to regain the trust you first gave to me four years ago, I will have to earn it the hard way – by not just talking the talk but walking the walk. Last time around I asked you to work with me. This time, watch me work for you, to build a better Malaysia that you deserve.

Humbly,

Pak Lah

Back to the future: the fall of Saigon revisited

30 April 1975 was the day that Saigon fell. And it fell because the government did not have its fingers on the pulse of the nation. 30 April 2008 may be the day that Barisan Nasional -- and therefore Umno as well -- falls after getting a beating on 8 March 2008.

Raja Petra Kamarudin

Saigon finally fell on 30 April 1975 after a protracted war that saw countless lives lost. The fall of Saigon was not about superior firepower because that is exactly what the Vietcong did not possess. If anyone had superior firepower it was the vanquished, not the victor. But in a mere three days the superior Americans were sent packing back to Washington with their tails between their legs.

The fall of Saigon and eventually that of the entire Vietnam can be attributed to one fundamental problem. The government was in denial mode. They did not understand what the real problem was and they failed to recognise that the army no longer had any will to win. The war against communism can’t be won with guns alone. The people must also have the desire to reject communism. This was the secret of the British success in its war against the Communist Party of Malaya.

The British realised that the government cannot win the war against communism or communist terrorism. It has to be the people themselves who must want to reject communism. To achieve this, the British embarked on a campaign to win the hearts and minds of the people. It can’t be a war of guns or of superior firepower. It has to be a ‘war’ of winning over the support of the people.

This was what the British saw. But this was not what the Americans saw. So Malaya sustained while Vietnam fell. And the Malaysian government took the route of the Americans rather than that of the British in the recent general election. And the 8 March 2008 general election proved what a disastrous route this can be. Barisan Nasional thought it had superior firepower and it threw everything it had at the opposition. But where the opposition lacked in money and media control it more than made up for in strategy. And where the government failed, the opposition succeeded. And where the opposition lacked in ‘firepower’, it compensated for by winning the hearts and minds of the voters.

This morning, Umno organised a forum at the Singgahsana Hotel in Petaling Jaya to conduct a post-mortem on the recent general election. The purpose of the forum was to explore what went wrong and where Umno should go from here. But judging by the rhetoric and statements that came out of that forum today, it is clear that Umno still does not get it. They still do not have their fingers on the pulse. They still fail to understand what went wrong on 8 March 2008 and what needs to be done to restore the lost fortunes of the party that is the lead partner in the ruling coalition.

30 April 1975 was the day that Saigon fell. And it fell because the government did not have its fingers on the pulse of the nation. 30 April 2008 may be the day that Barisan Nasional -- and therefore Umno as well -- falls after getting a beating on 8 March 2008. The reasons are clear, though it may not be clear to Umno. But what is more of interest is not the reason for the 8 March 2008 ‘disaster’ but what is happening behind the scenes to cushion the fall of those who walk in the corridors of power.

Those who walk in the corridors of power no longer have any doubts that 30 April 2008 may be the day the newly-formed opposition coalition, Pakatan Rakyat, takes the reins of power. With its 82 seats in Parliament it is already more than halfway there. All it needs is another 30 seats to give it a simple majority in Parliament. If it gets more than that, even better, but 30 seats will do the trick for the meantime. Once the Barisan Nasional government falls, the stragglers will swing over easily enough because politicians always like to associate themselves with the winner, never with the loser.

Patrick Lim tried his best to salvage whatever little left he could salvage. As soon as the results of the election became known, his fortune started dwindling at a rapid pace. When the stock market opened the Monday following the elections, he saw more than a quarter billion Ringgit disappear from his books. It was the most painful Monday in his entire life -- as it was for the rest of the fourth floor cronies who were left holding paper that was no longer worth what it was just two days before that.

Seeing that Penang was now an opposition state, his flagship project, Penang Global City Centre, was doomed to become history; and the market reacted. When it was announced that approval for the project had never been given in the first place, that nailed his plans to change the entire landscape of Penang Island and turn into a New York skyline; and the market reacted even more. He had only Terengganu left, which thankfully was still a Barisan Nasional state. And if he could convince his bankers that Terengganu was still on, then maybe they will ease up on the margin calls.

But it was still too early to pop Champagne. Terengganu may be a Barisan Nasional state but it appears that His Majesty, The Agong, had other plans as to who should be the new Menteri Besar. The Agong knows about the RM1.2 billion a year oil royalty that has now been changed to wang ehsan and which comes under the direct supervision of the Prime Minister’s Department. The Agong also knows that ever since Idris Jusoh was appointed the manager of the wang ehsan in 2000, more than RM8 billion has disappeared into the pockets of Patrick Lim and his retinue of cronies. And The Agong said, enough is enough; the pilferage must come to an end!

Patrick Lim broke out into cold sweat when it was announced that The Agong has his own ideas on who should be the Menteri Besar of Terengganu and that it is not going to be Idris Jusoh. Patrick Lim sent The Agong a SMS with an offer of RM300 million if His Majesty would maintain status quo. The gall of this uncouth, uncultured, crossbreed of a Chinaman. Sending The Agong a SMS is bad enough. Not even The Agong’s uncle would do such a biadap thing. But to attempt to bribe The Agong on top of that is the height of insolence that tantamount to treason.

When The Agong did not respond, Patrick Lim made a beeline for Terengganu in an attempt to have a personal audience with His Majesty to pursue the RM300 million offer. The Agong made Patrick Lim sit in the waiting room the entire afternoon and at 5.00pm His Majesty sent his ‘guest’ off in tears with the message that he is persona non grata in the palace.

Patrick Lim was now desperate. He needed to save his Terengganu operation. With Penang now in shambles, Terengganu is all he has left with which to convince his bankers that he is still bankable. He went to meet Ahmad Said and offered the new Menteri Besar RM40 million if he would agree to turn down the offer for the top post and instead settle for the post of Deputy Menteri Besar. This would allow Idris Jusoh the top post, which would then enable Patrick Lim to retain Terengganu as his playground. But Ahmad Said refused the offer of RM40 million and Patrick Lim’s hope of getting his hands on the RM1.2 billion a year shattered.

Yes, 30 April 2008 may yet become like Saigon of 30 April 1975. Parliament is expected to convene on 28 April 2008 and if Anwar can convince another 30 Parliamentarians from Barisan Nasional to swing to his side then, with the 82 he already controls, he can form the new federal government. But can he do that?

Sabah and Sarawak have 54 Parliament seats, all Barisan Nasional, while only 14 are Umno. Without Sabah and Sarawak, Barisan Nasional will have only 86 Parliament seats in Peninsular Malaysia, a majority of just four seats over the opposition’s 82. And without Sabah and Sarawak, Barisan Nasional cannot form the government, not even with a simple majority.

Sabah and Sarawak know that Barisan Nasional needs their seats. Yet, they gave Sabah and Sarawak just five Deputy Minister posts and ‘worthless’ ministries on top of that. Their 54 Parliament seats are not going to come cheap. They can decide to throw their seats behind the 86 Barisan Nasional seats or behind the 82 opposition seats. Whomsoever gets their 54 seats will form the government. And the one who will get their 54 seats will be the one who comes up with the best offer.

Sabah and Sarawak are each earning about RM600 million a year from the oil royalty. If the 5% oil royalty is increased to 20%, this will be close to RM2.5 billion a year, RM5 billion for both states combined. And if two Deputy Prime Minister posts are created and Second Deputy Prime Minister is rotated between Sabah and Sarawak, then that will complete the package. And the opposition has agreed to grant Sabah and Sarawak all this while Barisan Nasional, over the last two decades, will not even honour the Twenty-Point Agreement that was the basis for the formation of this nation called Malaysia.

Yes, 30 April 2008. Will that be the date of the fall of Barisan Nasional as was the fall of Saigon on 30 April 1975? Saigon fell because the government lost touch with the ground. If Barisan Nasional falls it will also be because the government has lost touch with the ground. Umno, today, in its forum at the Singgahsana Hotel, talked about Malay nationalism and Islam. Barisan Nasional got a thrashing on 8 March 2008 because the people are tired of all this talk about Malay nationalism and Islam. And this continued talk about Malay nationalism and Islam will be what will seal the Barisan Nasional coffin for good on 30 April 2008.

For further reading, on 28 March 2008, The Malaysian Insider ran an article called ‘Patrick Lim - jetsetter with a bulls-eye on his back’. Considering that The Malaysian Insider is owned by Kalimullah Masheerul Hassan and Brendon Pereira, it makes one wonder what their game plan is. After all, Kalimullah and Brendon are known fourth floor cronies. Is this a sign that even the fourth floor is jettisoning Patrick Lim and leaving him to flounder in his massive bank debts?

Of special interest is the New Straits Times report below about Maybank buying over Temasek’s interest in an Indonesian bank at RM3 billion more than what they should be paying. The interesting part, of course, is about who brokered this deal with Singapore and why Maybank was made to pay RM3 billion over-value.

Yes, the rats are deserting the sinking ship. And they are cashing out quickly so that they can take with them as much money as they can when they desert the ship. If the ship sinks on 30 April 2008, as may be the case….well, never mind, because by then billions will have been transferred out of the country.

Daim took RM42 billion with him when he bailed out just before Tun Dr Mahathir left the scene. Expect the present figure to be close to that when Abdullah Ahmad Badawi leaves the scene. RM21 billion has already been moved just before the last general election. They only need another RM21 billion to match Daim’s RM42 billion. And the Maybank deal just reduced that RM21 billion to RM18 billion so there is not that far to go. If the new government is formed on 30 April 2008 there may be nothing left in the kitty. I, for one, would not want to be in that new government.

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Patrick Lim - jetsetter with a bulls-eye on his back’
The Malaysian Insider, 28 March 2008

His jet set days seem a lifetime ago. The days of hopping onto a helicopter for a trip to Penang or a quick turnaround to Paris on his private jet. Or a power breakfast with Ferrari's Kimi Raikonnen. Or cocktails with Oracle's Larry Ellison at the America's Cup in Valencia. Those days must seem a long time ago for Datuk Patrick Lim Soo Kit.

Today, he must feel like a man with a bulls-eye on his back. The suave and well-turned out businessman has retreated to the background, hoping that the changing political structure will not leave him on the sidelines as it has many prominent Malaysian corporate figures over the year. Think of Tan Sri Khoo Kay Peng, Tan Sri Quek Leng Chan, Datuk Nazri Abdullah and others who paid for their close association with either Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah or Anwar Ibrahim.

What was once a powerful calling card is now a liability for the man christened Patrick Badawi by his enemies. And make no mistake now that Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's hold on power is tenuous, Patrick Lim's enemies are coming out in droves. Leading the charge is Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad. In his column in The Sun today, the former prime minister implies that the former Terengganu mentri besar Idris Jusoh and the first family may have benefited from various mega-projects. He does not name the conduit. He does not have to.

It was Dr Mahathir who publicly accused Lim and Khairy Jamaluddin of running Terengganu at the height of his public spat with Abdullah. By referring to him today, Mahathir is merely drawing on a reservoir of disdain, envy and anger against Patrick among Umno members. His critics say that Patrick dropped Abdullah's name at every turn, and that helped propel him into the big league and pages of society magazines. He hit the Malaysian corporate scene in the 1990s when - with the help of some financial backing from his wealthy father-in-law - his company started Equine Park, a housing development in Selangor.

As with many businessmen in Malaysia, he hitched his fortunes to the political master of the day. In the waning days of the Mahathir administration, he hung out with Datuk Mokhzani Mahathir, and they became thick friends. After Abdullah became the PM in October 2003, Lim started getting closer to Kamaluddin, Abdullah's only son. Within a short time, he made himself part of the inner circle, showing up when Abdullah and family members went on holidays. By now, there was speculation that he was a nominee for Kamaluddin. Within some government departments and states, there was little doubt that he had the ear of the PM, or at least he gave the impression he had.

He began to attract disdain and envy after he was selected by Abdullah to develop Pulau Duyong near Kuala Terengganu and organise the Monsoon Cup. In a short time, the Monsoon Cup has become a popular warm-up for teams planning an assault on the America's Cup. In the same time, rumblings started on the ground that Lim and Abdullah's family were the main beneficiaries of the major infrastructure projects in the state. This was one of the sticky points between Idris Jusoh and the royal household in the recent battle over the Mentri Besar's position. Lim was aware of the growing noise and attempted to hush it by pointing out of the many economic benefits which the Monsoon Cup brought to the state.

What he failed to realise was that the criticism had little to do with the race itself but was aimed at its promoter and benefactor in Putrajaya. Within Umno circles, they were peeved that a businessman, not one of their own, could wield so much influence and do it so openly.

If there was any doubt about Lim's close ties with Abdullah it was swept away when the Prime Minister launched the Penang Global City Centre last year. The project – an ambitious plan to turn a tiny neighborhood into a sprawling metropolis – was fast tracked as a high-impact project under the National Implementation Task Force and put under the Northern Corridor. Critics said that the project, to be developed on a 104-ha site now occupied by the Penang Turf Club, will create traffic jams, damage lush green areas and will be unsustainable. The new state government under Lim Guan Eng is not likely to approve the project unless it is scaled down.

Lim knows that his days of being in the frontline are over. He will be collateral damage even if Abdullah survives this choppy period. It is the price that businessmen in Malaysia pay for being associated with certain political leaders. Tan Sri Halim Saad of the Renong Group and Tan Sri Tajudin Ramli were the poster boys of the Mahathir era and paid for the excesses associated with that time.

Only a handful of corporate figures have been able to be close to different political masters. Among them is Berjaya's Vincent Tan. He has remained loyal to Dr Mahathir but managed to win the trust of Abdullah. But the publication of Dr Mahathir's long and piercing attack on Abdullah on the front page of a newspaper closely associated with Tan suggests that he is hedging his bets.

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Maybank wins bid for Indonesia's BII
By Adeline Paul Raj
New Straits Times, 27 March 2008

MALAYSIA'S biggest bank, Malayan Banking Bhd (Maybank), has won a bid to take control of Bank Internasional Indonesia (BII) for US$1.5 billion (about RM4.8 billion), a major step for the lender to expand in the region. BII is Indonesia's sixth largest bank in terms of assets, with over 230 branches.

"This acquisition will transform our growth prospects in Indonesia and significantly enhance our regional presence," Maybank acting chief executive officer Datuk Aminuddin Md Desa told reporters at a briefing yesterday in Kuala Lumpur.

To comply with takeover rules, Maybank will also offer to buy the remaining 44 per cent of BII, which could push its total bill to US$2.7 billion (RM8.6 billion). It plans to fund this internally. The deal comes just days after it agreed to buy a 15 per cent stake in Vietnam's An Binh Bank for RM430 million.

Maybank's bid for BII, at 4.6 times book value, appears steep, an indication of the stiff fight from bigger rivals and limited opportunities in the region. Analysts said that it was probably the most expensive bank purchase ever in Indonesia. Research firms like Citigroup had expected it to pay US$1.8 billion (RM5.7 billion) for all of BII.

Aminuddin, however, believes it is worth paying the hefty premium to get a controlling stake in a crucial market like Indonesia. The country has no foreign shareholding limits and offers one of the highest growth potential in the region. "It's an opportunity we couldn't afford to miss," he said.

A Reuters report said Maybank had beaten Bank of China for BII, after Europe's biggest lender, HSBC, dropped out in the last leg of the race. According to Aminuddin, BII will start contributing profits in the third year after the deal is completed. Maybank's strategy is to tap the remittance business and, later, trade finance. With BII, revenue contribution from Maybank's international operations will jump to 30 per cent in the next one or two years from about 19 per cent currently, he said.

In the first stage of the BII deal, which could take three months to complete, Maybank will pay RM4.8 billion to buy all of Sorak Financial Holdings Pte Ltd, which holds 56 per cent of BII. Sorak is owned by Singapore investment arm Temasek (75 per cent) and South Korea's Kookmin Bank (25 per cent). Maybank will then make a RM3.8 billion offer to buy out BII's minority shareholders.

On whether Maybank intends to take BII private, Aminuddin said it was still too early to say as it would depend on how minority shareholders respond to the offer. He pointed out, however, that Indonesian law states that as long as there are at least 3,000 public shareholders, a company can be kept listed no matter what the public shareholding spread is. Maybank, whose shares traded at RM8.95 yesterday before being suspended for the announcement, expects to complete the entire deal in six months. Temasek is selling its stake in BII to comply with Indonesian laws that forbid a foreign investor from owning more than one bank.

Anwar or Ku Li? The race is on

Yes, it is certainly going to be a close race. Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah will make his move on 4 April while Anwar Ibrahim can make his only after 14 April. Then, Anwar can make his second move after 7 May while Tengku Razaleigh will make his on 11 May.

Raja Petra Kamarudin

TAWAU, March 27 (Bernama) -- Kalabakan Member of Parliament Datuk Ghapur Salleh relinquished his post as Deputy Natural Resources and Environment Minister effective yesterday. He told Bernama today that he submitted his resignation letter to Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi in Putrajaya last night. Dismissing talk that he would hop over to the opposition, which is said to be trying to lure several MPs from Sabah and Sarawak, Ghapur, who won the seat unopposed in the March 8 general election, said he would continue to be an elected representative and Kalabakan Umno division head. He is the second MP from Sabah and the third person to resign as a federal deputy minister since the election.

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Umno elections could be postponed

Needing time to 'regroup' after GE, party may defer polls till next March

By S JAYASANKARAN, Business Times, 26 March 2008

ELECTIONS in the United Malays National Organisation (Umno), Malaysia's dominant political party that leads the ruling Barisan Nasional (National Front) coalition, are likely to be postponed because of the political uncertainty gripping the country. Umno officials say this was the impression they got after meeting Umno president and Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi on Monday. Mr Abdullah also told them the party needs to stamp out 'money politics' because that would only make the people angrier.

On March 8, the Barisan Nasional (BN) was given a hiding at a general election, losing control of five states and its two-thirds majority in Parliament. Originally, Umno was supposed to hold its elections in August. The party's constitution stipulates elections every three years for all posts from the president down, but also allows for deferment. In this case, elections must be held by March next year. Umno officials openly admit they never expected such a drubbing at the GE, at which voters from all the country's races, including the majority Malays, rebuffed the BN.

'The feeling now is that we have to unite and avoid any in-fighting because that could split the party,' an official told BT. 'For that, we need to time to regroup.' Whether this will happen is uncertain. Waiting in the wings is Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, 71, who is offering himself as an alternative to Mr Abdullah as leader of Umno and the government.

Tengku Razaleigh is a prince from Kelantan, founder-president of national oil corporation Petronas and a former finance minister under two prime ministers - Hussein Onn and Mahathir Mohamad. In 1987, he challenged Dr Mahathir for the Umno presidency and lost by a narrow 43 votes. Ironically, at the time, Mr Abdullah was on the Tengku's side and was one of the few on his team who made the cut as one of Umno's three vice-presidents.

Whether the Tengku will be allowed to challenge Mr Abdullah is the big question. After the 1987 elections, the rules were changed to make a presidential bid against the incumbent all but impossible. The rules now demand that a presidential challenger obtain nominations from 30 per cent of Umno's divisions - or 58 nominations. Asked recently about Tengku Razaleigh's chances, Dr Mahathir said he did not think there would be divisions 'brave' enough to support him openly against an incumbent prime minister. But in the present climate, Dr Mahathir could be wrong.

Political analysts say it would take only a few brave souls to speak up for a stampede to begin. And a trickle of support has begun. Over the weekend, 80 Umno branches in Muar, Johor, spoke up in support of the Tengku, who has asked for an extraordinary meeting of Umno to be convened to discuss the election debacle. Indeed, the postponement of the Umno polls could help the Tengku's cause, giving him time to canvass divisions across the country. That would help get his message directly to his audience, given his inaccessibility to the mainstream media which is resolutely pro-Mr Abdullah.

The Tengku could also be helped by repeated mis-steps on Mr Abdullah's part that suggest weak leadership. For example, the impasse over the Terengganu crisis could be resolved soon, but only with damage inflicted on Mr Abdullah.

Last Saturday, the state's Sultan (who is also Malaysia's King) appointed Umno assemblyman Ahmad Said as chief minister over Idris Jusoh, Mr Abdullah's nominee, who was also supported by 22 other state assemblymen. The appointment triggered a constitutional crisis. If Mr Abdullah's numbers were right, the Sultan acted unconstitutionally - a word Mr Abdullah himself used.

Yesterday, however, Mr Abdullah seemed to back down. He said he was seeking an audience with the King. And at a news conference, Mr Idris apologised to the King for 'everything' that had angered him. While Mr Idris maintained that Mr Ahmad does not deserve the chief minister's position, he seemed to throw in the towel, saying he would accept any position given to him.

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Ghapur Salleh actually wanted to resign from Umno Sabah just before the 8 March 2008 general elections so that he could contest the election on a PKR ticket. Anwar Ibrahim, however, would not allow him to do so. Ghapur grumbled to his friends that all Anwar needed to do was to give the word and he, plus a few other close associates in Umno Sabah, would cross-over and contest the election under the PKR banner. Anwar, of course, had his reasons. He wanted Sabah and Sarawak to be the 'reserve team' in the event the opposition wins enough seats to form the federal government.

As it now stands, the opposition has won 82 seats in Parliament and all it needs is another 30 to give it a two-seat majority over Barisan Nasional. 30 seats would make the score 112:110, all that is needed for His Majesty to do what the Federal Constitution of Malaysia requires him to do. And what His Majesty the Agong would have to do would be to appoint a new Prime Minister from amongst any of the 222 Members of the House who, in His Majesty's opinion, commands the confidence of the majority of the Member of the House. It is certainly very 'loose' though clearly worded but the way it has been written gives enormous powers to His Majesty the Agong to interpret 'opinion', 'commands' and 'confidence' the way His Majesty sees it. Most important of all, though, is that His Majesty need not 'seek advice from the Prime Minister' but instead can exercise his 'own discretion' in arriving at 'his opinion'.

Isn't the English language just lovely? And that is what it all boils down to, so the legal eagles can just stay out of this whole thing and allow the English teachers to step in to help properly interpret what the Federal Constitution of Malaysia says -- which is written in the Queen's English anyway. And 'Queen' here refers to Elizabeth II and not Freddie Mercury who died of AIDS.

So, does Anwar have 30 Barisan Nasional Members of Parliament safely tucked away? No, he does not have 30. Instead, he has thus far 38, the majority from Sabah and Sarawak. Did you not notice Anwar flying off to Sarawak the morning of 9 March and to Sabah the following day? And rest assured it was not to buy some Iban or Dayak hats. It was to conference with the Barisan Nasional leaders from these two East Malaysian states.

Abdullah Ahmad Badawi knew all this of course, as did his advisers on the fourth floor. However, instead of trying to win the hearts and minds of the East Malaysians, he antagonised them further when he offered the East Malaysian warlords just five Deputy Minister posts, and in very unimportant ministries on top of that.

Sabah and Sarawak brought in 54 Parliament seats to match the 86 from Peninsular Malaysia. Without these 54 Parliament seats from Sabah and Sarawak, Barisan Nasional would be having a mere four-seat majority over the opposition coalition of PKR, DAP and PAS -- while the popular votes garnered by Barisan Nasional would be less than half. It became slightly over half only when the Sabah and Sarawak votes were included.

20 of the 30 Barisan Nasional Members of Parliament from Sarawak have agreed to cross-over to the opposition while 16 of the 24 from Sabah will follow suit if Sarawak first takes the plunge. To start the ball rolling, Anifah Aman, brother to the Sabah Chief Minister, rejected the offer for the post of Deputy Minister and with about half a dozen or so other Sabah warlords flew off to Melbourne to meet the other warlords from Sarawak. They have been there since last week; planning, plotting and scheming their moves, which they will make when the time is right. Rest assured Anifah would not act without the consent of his brother, Musa Aman.

They will of course not make their move now. They are waiting for May 2008. By midnight of 14 April 2008, Anwar will be eligible to contest the elections and probably Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim will resign his Bandar Tun Razak seat or Zulkilfi Nordin his Kulim seat. A by-election will then be called and Anwar will of course be that PKR candidate to contest the by-election. On 5 May 2008, Parliament will be convened with Anwar now a Member of Parliament. From 7 May 2008 onwards, 82 opposition Members of Parliament will be able to table a motion of no confidence against Abdullah, supported by no less than 38 Barisan Nasional Members of Parliament, as it now stands. The 38 Members of Parliament from Barisan Nasional is of course the latest tally taken this morning. 7 May 2008 is still more than a month away and one day is a long time in politics, what more 40 days. So expect this 38 to grow further and it should not come as a surprise if the final tally is no longer just a simple majority but a resounding two-thirds majority. Will we see, therefore, Anwar finally taking office as the Sixth Prime Minister of Malaysia?

Nevertheless, while all this is going on, another candidate for the post of the Sixth Prime Minister of Malaysia is also moving very rapidly in the background. And this man is the resident of that very imposing White House-like abode along Langgak Golf.

Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah has not been sleeping. He has been aggressively meeting hundreds of people from all over Malaysia. Even as you read this Tengku Razaleigh is hosting more than 100 Umno division and branch leaders to a sumptuous feast in his office cum home behind the United States Embassy.

Tengku Razaleigh is going a slightly different route though. While Anwar is working on a 'no confidence' vote in Parliament, Tengku Razaleigh is working on the 193 Umno divisions. And he, thus far, has 74 Umno divisions with him. He needs at least 58 nominations to be able to contest against the party President cum Prime Minister. But that is only if he wishes to contest the August 2008 party elections, which Abdullah is trying to postpone till 2009.

August 2008 is too late. 2009 even later. By then Anwar may already be Prime Minister. So Tengku Razaleigh can't afford to wait till August. He must move now. And, on 4 April 2008, Tengku Razaleigh is organising a rally at his home base in Gua Musang. If he can get more than 100 Umno divisions to attend his rally, then he can push for an EGM on 11 May 2008 whereby the party constitution can be amended to allow the 'normal' two-nomination-only to contest, just like what it is for all the other positions -- plus he probably can get a vote of no confidence against the party president passed as well.

Yes, it is certainly going to be a close race. Tengku Razaleigh will make his move on 4 April while Anwar can make his only after 14 April. Then, Anwar can make his second move after 7 May while Tengku Razaleigh will make his on 11 May.

It will be a photo-finish and a win by the nose. But whose nose will it be that will cross the finishing line first? Hey, I can't reveal all just yet. Khairy Jamaluddin and his boys are reading this too, you know. Let's first of all see if they succeed in postponing the August 2008 Umno party elections to 2009. If they fail, then Tengku Razaleigh is well-poised to become the next Prime Minister. If they succeed in postponing the party elections, well, then I suppose my money will have to be on Anwar. Did I not tell you that Malaysia is an exciting country?

Oh, and one more thing, observe what the Rulers have been doing these last three weeks since 8 March 2008 and what they will be doing these next few weeks. That should give you a good hint as to what's in store for us. In the meantime, read the following piece by Mathias Chang, which also gives us an insight into what's in store for us in the not too distant future.

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Barisan Nasional is finished if Pak Lah is not replaced by end April 2008

Matthias Chang

I just could not believe my eyes, when I read in the New Strait Times newspaper, business section – Business Times – that Bank Negara projects 5.6 pc growth this year. Bank Negara Governor, Tan Sri Dr. Zeti Akhtar Aziz was quoted as saying:

“We have done several simulations of different packages which can be implemented in the event of any significant slowdown, which we do not see on the horizon at this point in time.”

I am sure that the “simulations were all done and tested prior to the 12th General Elections of March 8, 2008. So they are no longer valid as they failed to take into account the post-election reality.

Bank Negara must be wearing blinkers or under directions from Pak Lah and his spin-doctors to spin a story that all is well and good. The observation that no significant slowdown can be seen on the horizon at this point of time can be tested by reviewing some independent observations.

Spiegel reported on Wednesday, March 26 2008 that:

“Germany and other industrialised countries are desperately trying to brace themselves against the threat of a collapse of the global financial system. The crisis has now taken its toll on the German economy, where the weak dollar is putting jobs in jeopardy and the credit crunch is paralyzing many businesses.”

Why is the Governor of Bank Negara playing down this acknowledged global financial meltdown – the financial tsunami? Is there a conspiracy of silence among the world’s central bankers?

Spiegel has let the cat out of the bag when it reported further that:

“For some time, there has been a tacit agreement among central bankers and the financial ministers of key economies not to allow any bank large enough to jeopardise the system to go under – no matter what the cost. But on Sunday, the question arose whether this agreement should be formalised and made public. The central bankers decided against the idea, reasoning that it would practically be an invitation to speculators and large hedge funds to take advantage of this government guarantee. Everyone involved knows how explosive the agreement is. It essentially means that while the profits of banks are privatised, society bears the costs of their losses. In a world in which the rich are getting richer and the poor poorer, that is political dynamite.”

There you have it - the global conspiracy of silence by central bankers and finance ministers. Yet, it is I that has been accused of being a conspiracy theorist.

The Malaysian Ticking Time Bomb

Besides the impending global financial tsunami hitting our shores in the very near future, Malaysia is waiting for a ticking time bomb to explode that will leave our country totally defenceless.

No one has even given a thought to this time bomb. What is this time bomb? It is the total dislocation and disruption of the entire 9th Malaysian Plan.

How can this be? Simple! The informal Barisan Rakyat has captured four critical states, more precisely the four critical economic states of Penang, Perak, Selangor and Kedah (part of the rice bowl of Malaysia) and retained Kelantan. There used to be a MIMALAND (Mini Malaysia) in Gombak. But that was a mere tourist attraction. These five states is the real deal, the Real Mini Malaysia, without which the BN government is useless, a toothless tiger.

The 9th Malaysia Plan (and all previous Five Year Plans) envisages that a substantial portion of the RM200 billion budget spread over five years will be allocated to the “state economic engines” of the Malaysian economy, namely Selangor and Penang – the crown jewels. When combined with Perak and Kedah, these states provide the crucial infrastructure, human resources and more importantly the critical mass for the massive investments needed to prepare the economy to meet the impending threat of the global tsunami and at the minimum, to enable the country to float just above the water till the tsunami rolls back to deeper waters.

Just a few days ago, Pak Lah acknowledged this stark reality and conceded that some of the mega-projects will have to be scaled back. Pak Lah and the corrupt and greedy politicians of the Barisan Nasional cannot bear the thought that they will not be in control of these massive investments in the states of Selangor, Perak, Penang and Kedah.

The 9th Malaysian Plan cannot be implemented successfully without the close cooperation between the central Federal Authority and the state counter-parts. This is a given the BN state partners-in-crime to loot the national treasury is absent. Pak Lah and his family have the money but the same cannot be diverted to the coffers of cronies at the state level, when they are no longer in power and control of the state governments.

The nightmare for the Barisan Nasional is not that they lost their 2/3 majority in Parliament and the massive reduction in the popular votes, but that they can no longer enrich themselves as before.

The whole system of patronage that confers absolute power to the President of UMNO and Prime Minister has been rendered ineffective and the rewards for a subservient power hierarchy cannot be guaranteed. Pak Lah and his goons will no longer be able to wield the threat that should the leaders of the political multi-level organisation fail to toe the line, the gravy train will not stop at their stations.

The gravy train stations are now in control of Barisan Rakyat!

So long as Pak Lah and his family are control of the levers of power and the treasury, the economy will be in a grid lock and the entire system will come to a standstill. Checkmate! There are enough reasons to remove Pak Lah as demanded by the electorate in the just concluded elections. But the nail that hammers in the lid of the coffin is the consequences of this stark economic reality.

The Prime Minister who replaces Pak Lah must be one who is without controversy, baggage and more importantly must be acceptable to the leaders of the Barisan Rakyat. This will provide the minimum basis for cooperation between the two “Barisans”. And such a leader will then be able to reform the present system and save the economy from dislocation and disruption and the unimaginable consequences that will assuredly flow from the present gridlock.

Time is against us.

Pak Lah must be removed when Parliament convenes, if the Barisan Nasional Members of Parliament have the interest of the country at heart and not their warped interest for power and self-enrichment.

No one to date has the guts and the convictions to take on Pak Lah and his goons except Tengku Razaleigh. He has offered to serve the country. He should be given a chance.

Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad has also called for Pak Lah’s removal. Members of Barisan Nasional must heed their call to remove Pak Lah. The nation must ensure that the momentum generated by the results of the General Election must gather speed and force to sweep away the political debris of Pak Lah, his family and his goons!

And God help us and Malaysia should we fail!

Thursday, April 3, 2008

Guan Eng advised to be careful when making statements

Throwing the baby out with the bath water

Throwing the baby out with the bath water

The significance of the Monarchy and the two-thirds majority in Parliament

Elementary, my dear Watson

The real issues

Back to the future: the fall of Saigon revisited

Anwar or Ku Li? The race is on

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