Friday, February 15, 2008

A scam, by any other name, smells just as foul (700M)

Posted By: Raja Petra

The listing never happened so Lu Leong Seng called off the deal and asked for the return of his shares. But Datuk Seri Abdul Azim Mohd Zabidi refused to return the shares or refund the RM1,318,000 that was paid to his nominee, BK Tan. On 31 November 2007, Lu made a police report at the Kajang Police Station.

Yes, that line was 'borrowed' from Shakespeare's 'Romeo and Juliet'.

In the previous episode, we wrote about Datuk Seri Zulhasnan Rafique, the Federal Territories Minister cum Member of Parliament for Setiawangsa cum Federal Territory Barisan Nasional Chairman (see: 'Sultan' Zulhasnan, the RM700 million man). In that article we mentioned one of the beneficiaries of the RM700 million worth of contracts as being the Umno Bukit Bintang division leader.

“Why won't Malaysia Today lodge a police report if all these allegations are true?” were some of the responses we received. “Where is the evidence that Zulhasnan did have a hand in dishing out these contracts to his friends and cronies?” were the other responses. The one-time IGP, Tun Haniff Omar, said that going by the lifestyles of the police officers alone, it can be assumed that at least 40% of the police officers are corrupt. A one-time Deputy IGP, in turn, retorted that if they want to clean up the police force, then 90% of the police officers would have to be sacked. However, there would be no way to prove corruption, he added, unless living beyond your means can be considered proof. Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi added spice to all this by declaring that corruption is very difficult to prove and that is why the government is not able to take action against corrupt government servants and politicians.

Anyway, if you want proof, Malaysia Today can offer proof. And if you want a police report to be lodged, a police report has already been lodged. We are of course talking about a case involving the Umno Treasurer cum Bukit Bintang Umno division chief cum Chairman of Bank Simpanan Nasional, Datuk Seri Abdul Azim Mohd Zabidi.

But in spite of all the proof and in spite of the police report made, why is he still walking free and why has no action been taken against him? This just goes to prove that with all the evidence in the world and how many police reports you may have made, those who walk in the corridors of power are immune from legal action -- unless you have gone against the powers-that-be and they want to fix you up for that.

On 20 October 2003, Azim was appointed a Director of Transquay Ventures Sdn Bhd. The purpose of appointing him a Director of that company is so that he can help the company with its listing exercise on the Kuala Lumpur Stock Exchange.

However, the company would have to be a Bumiputera company to qualify, said Azim, so half the shares had to be transferred into his name and the balance into the name of another Malay. With the shareholding reflecting 100% Bumiputera equity it would now qualify.

Azim 'paid' Lu Leong Seng for the shares on 5 April 2004 through three RHB Bank cheques. The sale was not a genuine sale of course but just a 'paper' transaction to show that Azim really owned the shares and had paid for them. Lu was supposed to refund the money, but not to Azim, as he did not want the money trail to lead to his door. Instead, Lu was asked to pay the money to Tan Boon Keong, the infamous BK Tan. This was done through four cheques issued through Public Bank Berhad on 8 April 2004.

The listing never happened so Lu called off the deal and asked for the return of his shares. But Azim refused to return the shares or refund the RM1,318,000 that was paid to his nominee, BK Tan. On 31 November 2007, Lu made a police report at the Kajang Police Station. To date, of course, and as expected, no action has been taken by the police. In the meantime, Azim and his partner, BK Tan, own the company plus RM1,318,000 in cash. Not bad for one of the members of the Zulhasnan Rafique inner circle. And this, basically, is what the New Economic Policy is all about










'Sultan' Zulhasnan, the RM700 million man

Posted By: Raja Petra

Zulhasnan has manipulated RM700 million worth of government contracts in Kuala Lumpur and has given them to his friends and cronies. The Umno division leaders of Segambut, Seputeh, Bukit Bintang and Kepong have all benefited from Zulhasnan's patronage. Ali Baba had his 40 thieves. Zulhasnan has his four.

Federal Territory Barisan Nasional Chairman, Datuk Seri Zulhasnan Rafique, said that the credibility of the candidates standing for election is the most important factor when deciding who should be contesting where.

“The credibility and integrity of an individual make up 60% of the overall personality of a candidate; even the party he is representing is not a deciding factor,” he said.

“Maybe 20 to 30 years ago, the party that the candidate is representing is a major consideration, but today things are different,” he told Star Metro during a visit to the Federal Territory Barisan Nasional election operations centre in Wangsa Maju on Tuesday.

Zulhasnan, who is Setiawanga MP, said he was confident of Barisan Nasional retaining all nine seats (including Putrajaya and Labuan) that they won in the last election and was convinced of having no problems in wresting Kepong and Bukit Bintang which scored ‘razor-thin victories’ for the opposition.

“As for Seputeh and Cheras, we feel that there is a need to field the right candidates who will be accepted by voters in the two areas,” he said.

When asked if they are considering fielding ‘new’ faces and ‘outsiders’ to contest in the areas mentioned, Zulhasnan said: “That is certainly being considered. We will keep our options open but the final decision however will be made by the Prime Minister,” he said.

Zulhasnan said that the FT BN have been holding retreats in preparation for the next general election since June last year.

“We’ve had meetings with all the FT BN component parties, analysing and studying the progress and movements of all 13 parliamentary constituencies including gathering public feedback,” he said, adding this would continue until the announcement on the election is made.

The minister said that the Federal Territory Barisan Nasional theme for the polls Federal Territories Corridor of Excellence and coupled with the FT BN’s 3B motto (Bersama-Bersatu-Berjaya) would be applied in all the programmes initiated by the party to strengthen its machinery.

He added that FT BN have started a few strategies and action plans during the last four years, one of it being TURPA - turun padang activities whereby all BN components parties have been working as one team going down to the grassroots to meet the rakyat and the programmes has been fruitful.

Okay, that was what Star Metro reported on 31 January 2008. So let us do exactly what the Federal Territories Minister cum Member of Parliament for Setiawangsa cum Federal Territory Barisan Nasional Chairman, Datuk Seri Zulhasnan Rafique, asked us to do. And let us start by examining HIS credibility first. And, if he fails the credibility test, then let us reject him and vote in another candidate instead; whether it be an opposition candidate, independent candidate, or a 'donkey' that stands against him. After all, a 'donkey' can't do any worse than a candidate who has no credibility, but preaches about credibility, because you can't get anything worse than a munafik (hypocrite).

Before that, just to digress a bit, the Federal Territory of Kuala Lumpur used to be part of the State of Selangor. Then they 'annexed' it and made it 'independent'. The late Agong, who was then the Sultan of Selangor, literally shed tears as he signed over Kuala Lumpur to the Federal Government. Later, Labuan and Putrajaya were further annexed from Sabah and Selangor respectively and the Federal Territory grew even more. I was profusely opposed to the annexation of Putrajaya and I said so openly. I wrote an article asking the Agong and the Acting Sultan to both step down from the throne for 'selling out' Selangor territory.

When they annexed Kuala Lumpur it was on the excuse that they wanted to make it the Federal Capital of Malaysia. However, if they want to also annex Putrajaya and make it the new Federal Capital, then they must return Kuala Lumpur to Selangor. And that is why they do not dare call Putrajaya the new Federal Capital but instead call it the Administrative Capital. If not, Selangor would have grounds to claim back Kuala Lumpur.

My article calling for the Agong, the Acting Sultan, and the entire Royal Council to step down created murmurs in the Palace. The late Agong spoke to my late uncle, Raja Datuk Redzwa Raja Sir Tun Uda, about what I had written. Raja Redzwa was my father's younger brother. The Agong said he wanted to summon me for an audience, probably to give me a piece of his mind. My uncle then told the Agong, “Peter is just like his father, Abang Din. He has inherited Abang Din's temper and you remember what Abang Din did to you don't you?”

I did not understand what it was that my father did so my uncle related the story to me. Once, when they were kids and were playing football, the Agong, then the Raja Muda of Selangor, grumbled when his team lost the match and my father shouted, “Anak Raja bodoh!” and whacked him with a belt. “Since then,” chuckled my uncle, “Tuanku has been very scared of your father.”

The Agong did not summon me for an audience in the end but the Special Branch did. They said I could be charged for sedition for what I had written. I told the Special Branch that my quarrel with the Agong was a family matter and had nothing to do with Bukit Aman. The Agong is lucky this is 2001, I told the Special Branch. If it was 1901, I would lead an army to oust Tuanku from the throne and place his son on the throne instead. The Special Branch officers were flabbergasted and did to know how to respond.

Anyway, the Agong's son is now sitting on the Selangor throne so the matter is all water under the bridge. But this is not really what I want to talk about today. What I want to talk about is the new 'Sultan' of Kuala Lumpur, Zulhasnan Rafique. Zulhasnan wields considerable power and nothing happens in Kuala Lumpur without his okay. Even Khairy Jamaluddin has no control over him. Syabas, at least there is one person in Malaysia whom Khairy cannot control.

Zulhasnan has a direct line to Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and he does not need any pesky son-in-law to approve what he does. And to show who is boss, Zulhasnan is going to kick Khairy and his boys out of Kuala Lumpur. Khairy Jamaluddin, as well as his running mate, Norza Zakaria, were supposed to contest the coming general election in two of the 13 Kuala Lumpur seats. But since Zulhasnan has kicked them out, they may now have to contest somewhere far away from Kuala Lumpur instead.

Anyway, that is not our problem. That is an internal Umno problem. What Malaysia Today is more interested in is Zulhasnan's statement that “the credibility and integrity of an individual make up 60% of the overall personality of a candidate; even the party he is representing is not a deciding factor.”

Well, if that is the crucial factor in determining candidates, then Zulhasnan certainly does not qualify. Zulhasnan has manipulated RM700 million worth of government contracts in Kuala Lumpur and has given them to his friends and cronies. The Umno division leaders of Segambut, Seputeh, Bukit Bintang and Kepong have all benefited from Zulhasnan's patronage. Ali Baba had his 40 thieves. Zulhasnan has his four.

These contracts were not properly tendered but were negotiated without tender and given out at prices very much higher than market prices. And this was all done by the 'Sultan' of Kuala Lumpur who says “the credibility and integrity of an individual make up 60% of the overall personality of a candidate; even the party he is representing is not a deciding factor.”

Take a good look at his face. Note down his name. He will be contesting a seat somewhere in Kuala Lumpur. He wants to be one of the 13 Members of Parliament from Kuala Lumpur. But this can only happen if the voters allow it to happen. And if he can manipulate RM700 million in four years, just imagine what damage he can do to our tax money if given another five years in Parliament.












DEKLARASI RAKYAT/PEOPLES' DECLARATION

Posted By Raja Petra

Ask the candidates and the political parties they represent to adopt this DEKLARASI RAKYAT/PEOPLE'S DECLARATION as their election pledge and promise to the voters. Better still, ask them to agree that this will be the backbone or foundation of their Election Manifesto, which must be irrevocable and which must be implemented within 12 months of the new government taking office.

The next general election will soon be upon us. Tomorrow, Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi will be having an audience with His Majesty The Agong. This can only mean one thing, Abdullah is going to seek The Agong's consent to dissolve Parliament.

Parliament is expected to be dissolved on 12 February 2008 followed by Nomination Day on 21 February and Polling Day on Saturday,1 March 2008. On 1 March 2008, 10.6 million Malaysians will be able to vote in the government of their choice, although it is expected that three million Malaysians will just stay home and not bother to come out to vote, while another four million have not even registered to vote.

According to intelligence agency reports, the 12th General Election will be the first election in Malaysian history where the voters will vote based on candidates rather than parties. The right candidate will not only be crucial in determining who gets voted in but where that candidate contests will also have a bearing. As much as that candidate could be a suitable candidate, but in the wrong constituency it would be disastrous.

Who the candidates are and in which constituency they contest is up to the 22 or so political parties that will contest the election. And who gets voted in is up to the voters. But what Malaysia Today would like to do is to present the DEKLARASI RAKYAT or PEOPLES' DECLARATION to the 22 political parties that will be contesting this coming election.

DAP says, the people are the boss. Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad says, vote for credible candidates who are not tainted and do not vote for the political parties if they put tunggul kayu (block of wood) as candidates. Barisan Nasional says, vote in the ruling party that has been running this country for 50 years since Merdeka and has a proven track record. The opposition says, deny the ruling party its two-thirds majority so that there can be checks and balances in the government.

Whoever we ultimately vote for and for whatever reason it may be, let the rakyat have the final say in how this country is going to be run -- whoever it may be that will be running this country.

In the spirit of the people are the boss, Malaysia Today, together with friends from various civil society movements, has come out with this DEKLARASI RAKYAT or PEOPLES' DECLARATION in four languages. The 1999 AGENDA PERUBAHAN or AGENDA FOR CHANGE was used as the basis of this DEKLARASI/DECLARATION. We want you, the rakyat, to present this DEKLARASI/DECLARATION to whoever it is who may be contesting in your constituency, be they ruling party or opposition party, and tell these candidates that this is how we wish our country to be run when the new government is formed, whichever government it may be.

Ask the candidates and the political parties they represent to adopt this as their election pledge and promise to the voters. Better still, ask them to agree that this will be the backbone or foundation of their Election Manifesto, which must be irrevocable and which must be implemented within 12 months of the new government taking office.

The DEKLARASI RAKYAT or PEOPLES' DECLARATION is as below. The PDF version in FOUR languages will be uploaded over the next couple of hours. Get these circulated far and wide and tell the candidates and the political parties they represent that they will get our vote subject to their agreement and adoption of this DEKLARASI/DECLARATION.

The People’s Voice



In the name of God, Most Gracious, Most Merciful



A. We, the rakyat of Malaysia, being a people of diverse races and faiths but bonded together as one by shared history, experience and a commitment to a united Malaysia, note that:-



1. since independence up to the present, Malaysia has been governed by reference to, and with keen awareness of, race and in accordance with a race-based system of power sharing within, initially, the Alliance coalition and, since the early 70s, the Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition. This system is premised on the notional representation of the Malay, Chinese and Indian rakyat by UMNO, MCA and MIC respectively, and the other communities, including the indigenous communities in Peninsular Malaysia, Sabah and Sarawak, by the other BN coalition partners;



2. whilst the exigencies of the independence campaign and the early post-Merdeka period may have required a race-based approach to the question of governance, it has become apparent that the political arrangements that allow for such a system of governance, and the system itself, are increasingly undermining the unity that has made Malaysia an exemplar on the question of race relations. The recent concentrated efforts of the government to address issues of unity are a recognition of a need to address those features of our society that have allowed for deepening fissures, not just in matters of race relations but also of economics and the equitable distribution of wealth. The system, and all that it allows for, is one such, if not the only, key feature. Its divisiveness is the main impediment to a committed and shared effort on the part of all Malaysians to meet the challenges of our times, both within the nation, as well as in the increasingly globalizing and competitive world; and



3. though the New Economic Policy (NEP) was introduced in 1970 with the principal self-declared aim of “eventually eradicating poverty, irrespective of race, and to undertake economic restructuring so as to eliminate the identification of ethnicity with economic function”, its implementation, within the framework of the race based system of governance, has led to a state of affairs where poverty and the inequities persist, within the Malay community as well as within other communities to an extent that it cannot be said that the NEP, and its successor policies, have successfully achieved their stated aim. The indisputable enrichment of a small community of elites, of diverse racial backgrounds, at the expense of the overwhelming majority and the creation of a belief of racial supremacy on the part of some conclusively show that it is imperative that the Malaysian system of affirmative action be seriously reconsidered. The failings of the systems in play are glaring, having a direct causal link with the following effects:



3.1 a significant percentage of the population, of diverse racial background, are still living in poverty by any definition and face serious difficulties in fulfilling the most basic of needs and expectations including the acquisition of places of residence. In particular, in the East Malaysian States of Sabah and Sarawak, some rural communities live in absolute poverty with no access to basic needs including potable and clean water, electricity, and other essential amenities;

3.2 the rising incidence of urban poverty is leading to an alarming increase in the crime rate;

3.3 the poverty cycle threatens to self perpetuate due to a lack of opportunities for higher education for those from the lower economic segment of the population;

3.4 there is a serious deficiency in the quality and capability of human capital within the nation with, for this reason, a rising number of local graduates finding it difficult to find employment; and

3.5 a denial of access to opportunities has led to a growing disenfranchisement that can potentially become a serious threat to stability and the Malaysian way of life in the very near future. The system of governance having emphasized the differences amongst the racial communities, it is not unlikely that in the event of any unrest, such unrest may manifest along racial and religious lines.



B. And we, the rakyat of Malaysia of all races and faiths, note with grave concern, that :-



1. that the key institutions of the state have suffered a decline in their effectiveness over the years so as to have allowed for a greater concentration of power in the Executive than envisaged by the Federal Constitution and an obscuring of the systems of checks and balances considered essential for the true working of democracy;



2. that the actions of the Executive have become increasingly less transparent, and consequently less accountable, through laws though perhaps aimed at ensuring efficiency of governance have allowed for a shielding from scrutiny of the various aspects of government as well as a mistaken belief that a representative form of government vests absolutely all power in the hands of the Executive and allows for control along majoritarian lines ;



3. in this way, and through majority control of Parliament, the role of Parliament has been reduced to rubber stamping the will of the Executive. The mistaken belief has resulted in the similarly mistaken rejection of the need for the debates in Parliament that will allow for a wider representation of viewpoints essential to sound decision making as envisaged by the Federal Constitution. This alarming state of affairs has been exacerbated by the erroneous belief that debates in Parliament should be shaped by the political relationships of the political parties concerned to the extent that views are rejected not on the basis of merit but on the basis of the political party of the parliamentarian espousing the view concerned. The politicizing of the processes of Parliament are amongst the key threats to democracy having allowed for the furtherance of political agendas through Parliament and the laws enacted therein. Laws must be reflective of policy and not politics;



4. the integrity of the Judiciary has similarly been compromised through the purported suborning of the Judiciary to Parliament by way of a constitutional amendment to Article 121(1) that has resulted in the declaration by the apex court that the doctrine of separation of powers is of no relevance to Malaysia even though this doctrine is a pillar of the democratic processes. The Judiciary has also been rendered ineffective through a promotion and appointments process that have resulted in unmeritorious appointments and promotions to the extent that the quality and impartiality of the judicial process has become highly suspect, and confidence in the Judiciary and the Rule of Law in Malaysia has declined to serious levels, both nationally and internationally;



5. despite the Election Commission being a body established by the Federal Constitution in such a manner so as to be impartial, a vital feature of the said commission for it to fulfill its function under the Federal Constitution, the said commission has demonstrated itself as being partisan to the interests of the Barisan Nasional, in part through a general reluctance to take concrete steps towards the reforming of the electoral process into a free and fair one, in response to cogent evidence of serious deficiencies in the electoral process. In this regard, the minimal steps taken towards reforming the electoral process have been taken only with the approval of the Executive notwithstanding the clear mandate of the said commission. As a consequence, the Election Commission cannot be said to have the confidence of the people in the manner to the level expected of the said commission by the Federal Constitution. As a further consequence, it cannot be said that the rakyat fully view the electoral process as being a free and fair one;



6. the continued use of repressive anti-expression and anti-assembly laws such as the [PPPA], the [Sedition Act] and the [Police Act] as well as the draconian Internal Security Act have allowed for the governing of the country arbitrarily, by stealth and without due accountability in a manner that has concentrated power in the Executive absolutely, Such laws have also impeded the effective voicing of opinions by civil society through the climate of fear that they have created. This has regrettably created the perception that despite being the primary stakeholders in the national interest, the rakyat have no valid say in the process of governance except through their right to vote;



7. the control of media houses through subjective issuance of permits and the imposition of conditions, and the selective presentation of news and viewpoints that this approach creates, have by denying access to varied viewpoints and news further interfered with the ability of the rakyat to form coherent and comprehensive views on matters of national interest. This has not only skewed the processes of democracy but have also resulted in a significant part of the Malaysian community being incapable of the critical analysis that is essential for a growing democracy and a fast developing nation competing on the global stage. The rakyat have a right to information;



8. the foregoing has created an environment that encourages corruption, a state of affairs that us borne out by the increasing levels of corruption in the nation, levels that indicate that corruption is fast becoming institutional, if it has not already become so. Thus far, notwithstanding the welcomed rejection and condemnation of corruption by the Prime Minister as a policy position, efforts undertaken to address corruption in having merely selectively attacked the symptoms of this disease have not successfully addressed the root causes of the same. There is a growing perception that corruption, cronyism and nepotism in all sectors of government, at the Federal and State levels as well as at the Local Government level has been on the rise over these past few years; and



9. the poverty gap is widening and many more Malaysians are now falling through the gaps of a security net that requires a reconsideration more so for the gradual liberalizing of the Malaysian market as the nation embraces the global free market. As a consequence, despite the continued economic growth of the nation an increasing number of Malaysians are being marginalized. Further, the pursuit of economic development through privatizations and other free market strategies have resulted in less priority being attached to developing the efficiency and quality of the public services with the result that standard of such services, including the civil service, healthcare, education and the Royal Malaysian Police, to name a few, have suffered a worrying decline, This has made the nation less competitive and insufficiently prepared to meet the full challenge of globalization.



C. And we, the rakyat of Malaysia of all races and of various faiths, note with regret:-



1. that the Executive has without adequate consideration, due regard and public consultation rejected the suggestion that steps be taken to dismantling the race based system of governance, such suggestion having even been received with the endorsement of Gerakan, a member party of the Barisan Nasional. Conversely, the Executive has through its inaction continued to endorse the system and the supremacist notions it allows for;



1.1 that the Executive continues to defend its position on the various matters of concern noted above by reference to the majoritarianism and its control of Parliament notwithstanding the validity of such concerns. .



D. And we, the rakyat of Malaysia of all races and of various faiths, now declare that we:-



1. reject race-based systems of governance of the country in favour of non race-based, integrated systems of governance;



2. reject the politicising of the key organs of the state, in particular Parliament and the Judiciary;



3. we desire an independent and competent Judiciary such as that Malaysians had the benefit of prior to 1988;



4. we desire a Parliament that allows for a discharge of parliamentary function in manner contemplated by the Federal Constitution and whose members recognize that though political affiliations may have a bearing on their roles as Member of Parliament, their oath to defend, uphold and protect the Federal Constitution obliges them to place the national interest over their party interests where matters of Parliament are concerned; and



5. desire that the policy of affirmative action be reconsidered with a view to establishing a system that ensures that the objective of poverty eradication be be achieved efficiently, effectively and inclusively. We believe that the protections afforded to the Malays and the natives of Sabah and Sarawak are sufficient to protect and promote the interests of these special communities.



E. Wherefore we, the rakyat of Malaysia of all races and of various faiths, having now rejected the race-based political governance of the country and now making known our desire to have in its place a non race-based system of governance and making further known that we desire that the original aims of the NEP be immediately given effect to and implemented, now:-



1. declare our belief that a mandate for governance should be given to such individuals and political entities that recognize as legitimate the concerns and aspirations set out above; and



2. call upon all stakeholders to come together for a better Malaysia to adopt this declaration [and the People’s Charter attached] as foundation for the governance of this nation.







The People’s Declaration



In the name of God, Most Gracious, Most Merciful



The People’s Mission



1. We, Malaysians of all races and of various faiths, are resolute in our desire for change and are determined to give birth to a system of governance, built upon the fundamental, spiritual and ethical values that are part of the teachings of all the great religions, that:

• is honest, dynamic and truly accountable;

• has a truly democratic parliamentary system that represents the interests of the people;

• has truly independent and clean judicial institutions;

• has a police force which is professional and executes its duties in a just and fair manner, according to the tenets of law;

• has a mass media that is free and not beholden to those in power;

• values accountability and transparency as its fundamental elements;

• respects differences of views; and

• supports a dynamic, resilient and just economy which is also internationally competitive.



2. We, Malaysians of all races and of various faiths, pledge to uphold at all times the foundational principles of the Malaysian Constitution, namely:



• the supremacy of the Constitution over all other laws;

• the Yang DiPertuan Agong as the Constitutional Monarch;

• the separation of the powers of government and in particular the independence of the judiciary;

• that fundamental liberties and freedoms guaranteed the rakyat shall not be interfered with, denied, or rendered illusory;

• one man, one vote, both of equal value;

• that Islam is the religion of the Federation, and all other religions shall be practiced in peace and harmony;

• Bahasa Melayu as the national language, whilst safeguarding the unfettered right to use and learn other languages;

• the special position of the Malays and the indigenous rakyat of West Malaysia, of Sabah and Sarawak, and the legitimate rights of all other races; and

• a federal administrative system that fulfills its responsibilities, and protection and respect for the special position of Sabah and Sarawak.



3. We, Malaysians of all races and of various faiths, pledge to collectively :



• work to create a just and prosperous Malaysian nation based on a truly democratic system of government;

• protect and defend the rights and dignity of all the people and guarantee justice for all;

• act to enhance economic prosperity through greater productivity, efficiency, and sound economic management in order to enable the country to face global challenges;

• channel the country’s resources not only to meet the basic needs of the people but, more importantly, to ensure that the quality of life and social harmony are enhanced;

• distribute wealth and opportunities fairly among all; and

• develop quality social infrastructure and a clean and comfortable physical environment; enhance the quality of education, health and other social services; build mosques and other places of worship; build public parks and libraries; build arts and cultural centres; and provide the widest opportunities for information technology and other methods of communication.



The People’s Plan



1. We will initiate measures towards a democratic, transparent, accountable and ethical system of government that will provide the environment for a strong and sustainable economic recovery, for social harmony and prosperity, and justice and equality for all. To that end, we will institute measures to:



• promote national unity;

• build a genuine democracy;

• enhance administrative transparency and accountability;

• strengthen the national economy; and

• give full effect to our social contract.



A. Promote National Unity



1. We will initiate measures to build and foster unity among the various ethnic and religious groups, having as our aim the evolution of a people with the common aspiration of justice and equality for all. To that end, we will :

• immediately dismantle any and all remaining practices of “divide and rule” in public administration from the days of the BN administration;

• cause to be established a Ministry in charge of Non-Islamic Religious Affairs;

• put in place an affirmative action programme at Federal and all State levels to eradicate poverty and marginalization from amongst the weak and backward groups irrespective of race, social background and religion;

• pay special attention to the Orang Asli in the Peninsula and all the indigenous groups in Sabah and Sarawak, and amend various laws and regulations pertaining to them so that justice is served, including establishing a Commission to protect Native Customary Rights (NCR) land and to resolve disputes relating to such lands while respecting their traditions and customs;

• strengthen national integration by restoring the rights and privileges that were promised to the people of Sabah and Sarawak;

• establish an independent Ethnic Relations Council, reporting directly to Parliament to help in building a united Bangsa Malaysia;

• establish a Commission for Shari’ah Law at the Federal level;

• reduce the influence of party politics in the respective State Religious Councils, mosques and other religious institutions;

• allocate land for graves and places of worship for all faiths without any discrimination;

• increase inter-cultural and inter-religious dialogues to strengthen mutual understanding among the people; and

• encourage the development of a Malaysian culture based on common moral values and ideals. This requires an open attitude towards the diversity of cultures of the various ethnic and sub-ethnic groups in the country, taking account of the country’s history and evolution.



B. Build A Genuine Democracy



1. Genuine democracy must provide meaningful space for the people to express their views and to participate in various processes of daily administration and not merely to voting once in five years. All interest groups must be allowed to present and debate their views. Information will be freely available subject to strictly defined restrictions. To that end, we will :

• repeal the Internal Security Act and all laws that presently permit detention without trial;

• form an Independent Commission to consider if any form of preventive detention laws are necessary and, if thought so, to draft a bill to provide for the same and the necessary checks and balances;

• form an Independent Commission to review all acts and laws (such as the Official Secrets Act, Sedition Act, Police Act, University and University Colleges Act, Printing Presses and Publications Act, etc.), with the objective of repealing whatever that violates basic human rights;

• take the necessary measures to ensure and safeguard the freedom of the press and the rights of peaceful assembly, expression and organisation, by amending the appropriate acts and laws and RTM will be corporatised and subject to an independent Broadcasting Commission;

• ensure that the Human Rights Commission is independent and has representation from all major groups;

• formulate a Freedom of Information Act to guarantee transparency and free flow of information from the government to the people;

• to pass the necessary legislation to provide for local council elections;

• so at to allow for more certainty in the electoral process, thereby affording to all parties participating in that process the most equitable opportunity to make preparation for the same and to remove any and all elements of surprise, make all necessary amendments to the law so that the date of dissolution of Parliament and general elections following thereafter shall respectively occur and be held every 5 years on a date or within a fixed period stipulated by law;

• review and, where necessary, revise all previous redelineation of constituencies so as to ensure that differences in the numbers of registered voters in any two constituencies shall not exceed 20%;

• enact a law to protect “whistle-blowers” of official misconduct and corruption;

• sign and ratify the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights;

• improve the quality and effectiveness of human rights education at all levels of education and institutions of higher learning as well as training centres for public servants; and

• improve prison administration and conditions in line with international standards.



C. Enhance Administrative Transparency & Accountability



1. The need for more transparent governance is pressing. Transparency and accountability must be integrated into all aspects of administration, without damaging efficiency. We will work towards the decentralization of power to the local level so that state governments will be more involved in their respective states’ development. To that end, we will :

• establish a Royal Commission to review the judiciary and legal administration in the country, and to recommend proposals to enhance the independence of the judiciary, to regulate appointment and sacking of judges and to end abuse of the law on contempt of court;

• strengthen the authority of Parliament by a system of all-party permanent committees with the power to name the Attorney General, the Chief Justice and other judges, the Inspector General of Police, the Governor of Bank Negara, who will be appointed by the Yang diPertuan Agong according to the Constitution;

• limit the term of office of the Prime Minister, the Menteri Besar and Chief Minister to two terms;

• guarantee freedom of the press so that they can monitor and expose any corruption and abuse of power;

• implement effectively all existing laws that presently require a public hearing before any project is implemented or any regulation amended, such as the Environmental Protection Act, property re-valuation, and so forth;

• review the method of appointing members to the Senate with the objective of introducing a method which reflects the interests of all the people;

• reintroduce elections for local government so that local leaders can be made accountable;

• introduce an ombudsman system for a more independent and effective public complaints body;

• protect by law any individual or group that exposes mismanagement, abuse of power and corruption especially at the highest levels;

• make the Anti-Corruption Agency (ACA) an independent body protected by the Constitution and directly responsible to Parliament, and headed by a prominent person of standing;

• make compulsory annual public declaration of assets by the people’s representatives;

• enhance the independence and authority of the Elections Commission by giving full power to Parliament to appoint the Chairman and other members of the Commission through a process of open hearing;

• clean up the voter register so that it is free from “phantom” voters, “overlapping” voters and foreign citizens;

• reduce the voting age for Malaysian citizens to 18 years and introduce automatic registration for all citizens;

• abolish postal balloting;

• restore the image and status of the Royal Malaysian Police by means of a permanent committee as the Police Commission to receive and consider petitions by the people on police behaviour;

• introduce legislation so that the Attorney General will no longer be a voting member of the Pardon’s Board, but will only act as advisor and resource person to the board;

• separate the lower judiciary from the legal services so that they are not both controlled by the Attorney General;

• strengthen the system of checks and balances by amending all laws, such as the Printing and Publication Act etc., that presently deny the power for judicial review;

• review the position, administration and implementation of the Shari’ah laws to guarantee that justice is implemented and the beliefs of the Muslims are protected;

• restore the integrity of the public services, by fully utilising its expertise and experience;

• recognise members of the public services as equal partners in the effort to develop the country;

• institute public sector reforms to raise efficiency and improve morale, work ethics, and working conditions within the public sector;

• attempt to abolish the gap in service conditions between the public and private sectors, especially among those who have equal qualifications and carry out similar functions;

• narrow the salary gap between the highest, medium and lower levels to set an example to the private sector; and

• encourage members of the public services to a renewed determination to serve the people and country, and not the political leaders.



D. Strengthen The National Economy



(1) Reducing the people’s burden



(a) Reduce the tax burden



• Raise the level of personal income tax exemption, in addition to increasing child allowance to a reasonable level;

• Raise the level of personal income tax deduction for wives who are full-time home makers in recognition of their important contribution;

• Raise the level of service tax exemption to a turnover exceeding one million ringgit a year;

• Review the tax system with the objective of strengthening government revenues while reducing the tax burden on the people, especially the low- and middle-income groups.



(b) Eradicate absolute poverty



• Eradicate absolute poverty by the middle of the next parliamentary term;

• Reduce poverty levels in the next parliamentary term to half the levels of 1999;

• Improve poverty eradication programmes so that they are free from political interference and truly help the poor;

• Streamline various existing poverty eradication programmes;

• Narrow the income and wealth gap without infringing on legitimate rights.



(c) Assist petty traders and hawkers



• End the practice of using the licensing of small traders and hawkers as a source of revenue and as a party political tool, and instead use it purely for management and regulatory purposes to safeguard the well-being and health of the people, small traders and hawkers;

• Provide comfortable, clean and attractive infrastructure and facilities for hawkers.



(d) Improve public transport services



• Improve the quality of public transport and reduce fares to a level commensurate with the people’s living standards;

• Issue taxi permits to individual entrepreneurs and their cooperatives, rather than to large companies;

• Enhance the efficiency and quality of taxi services by private entrepreneurs through the establishment of cooperatives, associations, councils and the like;

• Reduce the fares of domestic flights between Peninsular Malaysia and Sabah and Sarawak to promote national unity and domestic tourism;

• Modernise and enhance rail services in Peninsular Malaysia;

• Develop the road system in Sabah and Sarawak;

• Provide suitable facilities and regulations to reduce road accidents and enhance public road safety;

• Study the possibility of new forms of public transport in the main towns to improve the quality of urban life;

• Provide more orderly and reasonably-priced school services bus to reduce the burden on parents.



(2) Just economic growth



(a) enhance domestic demand and productive, not wasteful, domestic investment



• Review the existing regulatory framework and address its weaknesses;

• Enhance private sector corporate governance, transparency and responsibility, and end the abuse of the banking and finance sector;

• Give priority to projects which generate the greatest benefit to the people, projects such as medium and low-cost housing, modernisation of the railway system, road projects in Sabah and Sarawak, and others;

• Halt mega-projects which are wasteful, environmentally destructive and of little or no benefit to the people;

• Enhance economic opportunities for all by giving specific emphasis and appropriate support to groups that are weak, and effective support to local businesses, especially small and medium-sized enterprises.

• Ensure that economic development is equitable and sustainable, and does not threaten social integrity or destroy the environment and natural resources;

• Develop special development programmes for the poor and the low income in traditional villages, new villages and estates so that they are brought into the mainstream of development and provided with better income sources, jobs and title to land;

• Ensure that special privileges are not abused to enrich only a small elite of those in power and their cronies.



(b) strengthen competitiveness, greater geographical dispersal of industry, develop resource based and hi-tech, information- and knowledge-based industries



• Modernise and expand high productivity industries to increase the country’s economic competitiveness and to encourage high-value exports;

• Address our technological weaknesses, in particular the technology gap between the backward and the advanced industries;

• Ensure that large projects, including heavy industry projects, are managed in an integrated manner and in line with a practical industrial development master plan;

• Provide incentives and greater support for small and medium-sized industries;

• Encourage, by means of appropriate incentive schemes, further linkages between local, especially small and medium-sized industries, and large international corporations in order to accelerate technology transfer to local industries and increase the use of local inputs;

• Support local entrepreneurs and encourage the upgrading of local skills and human resource capacity;

• Utilise foreign capital, expertise, markets and technology in order to reinforce local economic fundamentals;

• Enhance the role of science and technology by strengthening basic science education and developing appropriate technical training facilities;

• Increase and improve the efficiency of financial allocations and other incentives for scientific and technological research and development.



(c) Strengthening small and medium-sized agriculture and fisheries



• Enhance food production for the security and stability of the country;

• More research in agriculture, particularly in areas of high technology, food crops and the industrial use of agricultural output;

• Protect biodiversity and encourage research in biodiversity conservation and the use of natural products;

• A review of FELDA, FELCRA, RISDA, MAJUIKAN and other agriculture and fisheries development agencies to improve management and technology use for the benefit of settlers, farmers and fishermen;

• Restructuring government monopolies to become more efficient, effective and market-driven;

• Firm implementation of laws regulating fisheries exclusion zones to protect in-shore fishermen against encroachment by large fishing vessels and trawlers which cause extensive damage to coastal fisheries resources;

• Development of idle land.



(d) Information technology and economy for all



• Speed-up the installation of telecommunications and electricity infrastructure nationwide and seek to reduce usage costs;

• Expand information technology (IT) education in all schools, beginning with primary schools;

• Develop more effective IT appreciation programmes for the general public;

• Launch a “One Village, One IT Centre” programme by giving appropriate incentives to encourage the dissemination of information technology facilities to small towns and rural areas;

• Make compulsory information technology infrastructure planning in all new housing schemes, including low and medium cost housing, and push for the modernisation of the infrastructure in existing housing schemes;

• Negotiate with software manufacturers to obtain cheaper software for the local market.



(e) Prioritising small and medium enterprises



• Establish an investment fund, under-written by the government, for the development of small and medium enterprises and allocated according to performance and not political favouritism.



(f) Reorganising the privatisation policy framework



• Details of privatisation contracts to be made public in the interests of transparency. The interests of consumers and workers, and the rights of the people, will be safeguarded. All future privatisations to be conducted on the basis of competitive bids;

• Ensure that public monopolies do not become private monopolies;

• Basic public facilities and services – such as water, education, health and public housing – will only be corporatised to improve management but will not be privatised;

• Public enterprises that have already been privatised will be monitored closely to safeguard public interests. Enterprises that have been privatised will not be re-nationalised but any invalid contracts can be terminated in the interest of the people and the country;

• Establish an independent commission to audit all large privatised projects in the interests of transparency and accountability.



(g) Strengthening the financial system



• Encourage and promote investment and credit facilities to productive sectors and not to speculation;

• Rehabilitate the image, prestige and integrity of Bank Negara;

• Ensure that Federal expenditure is channeled particularly to enhance the standard of living of the poor, and to interior and rural areas which are still marginalised.



E. Give Full Effect To Our Social Contract



(1) Education



• Education is a fundamental responsibility of the state, although private education is allowed;

• Establish a National Education Consultative Council to ensure that the practice and implementation of the national education policy and philosophy is both effective and just;

• Stop the privatisation of public institutions of higher learning and review the implementation of the corporatisation policy so that it adheres to the principles of education and not financial gain;

• Allocate the education budget in a fair and equitable fashion, without neglecting any group;

• Provide more scholarships and other financial assistance on the basis of need;

• Increase nursery and kindergarten facilities, especially for the lower income group;

• Guarantee access to compulsory and free and compulsory education at the primary and secondary levels;

• Improve standards and facilities for schools in the interior, especially in Sabah and Sarawak;

• Review the schemes of service for teachers and introduce additional incentives for serving in the interior;

• Raise the standard of teacher training for all levels of schools and increase the number of trained teachers according to demand;

• Increase advanced training opportunities for teachers and lecturers so that they are always current in their respective knowledge and skills;

• Strengthen the position of Malay language as lingua franca among the people;

• Encourage and develop the Malay language as a dynamic literary and cultural language, which is accepted and used by all communities in Malaysia;

• Recognise the right to study the mother tongue like Chinese, Tamil, Iban, Kadazandusun and others in schools, and improve the implementation of policies on mother tongue education, so that it is more efficient and responsive to the demands of parents. Trained mother tongue language teachers must be supplied by government schools when at least ten students need such teachers, and the training of mother tongue teachers must be improved at teacher training colleges and public institutions of higher learning;

• Retain the various language streams in primary schools while encouraging greater integration among students of different ethnic groups, for example through co-curriculum activities;

• Increase the number of mother tongue schools and upgrade their facilities according to need and demand;

• Improve the teaching and learning of international languages, especially English and Arabic languages;

• Improve the quality of and facilities in primary and secondary religious schools;

• Strengthen the position of the existing public institutions of higher learning and improve their performance;

• Systematically increase the number of public institutions of higher learning without weakening the existing ones, so that more qualified students have access to higher education at minimum fees or for free;

• Guarantee the autonomy and standards of universities and other institutions of higher learning by establishing a Universities Commission as an independent supervisory body, and amend the University and University Colleges Act to ensure the fundamental rights of the academic community, including students;

• Provide an educational television channel to complement formal education and to encourage life-long continuing education, with the help of the private corporate sector as well as public and private educational institutions;

• Widen the scope of the National Accreditation Authority to monitor, investigate and propose recognition of certificates, diplomas and degrees outside the national education system. Degrees from institutions of higher learning in Arabia, Indonesia, Philippines, Taiwan, India, Pakistan, China and other countries, and local educational certificates such as the United Independent Schools Examination (UISE) will be considered based upon academic standards.



(2) Health



• Establish a National Health Council, with the objective of protecting the interests of the people and advancing the quality of health;

• Abolish all programmes to privatise the public health system;

• Review the cost and quality of service of all the health support services that have been privatised;

• Increase expenditure allocations for the health sector;

• Restructure the scheme of service for government medical staff to be more commensurate with their work load and responsibility;

• Maintain low cost healthcare services for all the people;

• Establish a commission to study the deficiencies in the existing health system and to make recommendations for improving the public health system;

• Monitor private medical services and check any abuses;

• Establish a national centre for disease control;

• Increase continuing educational and specialist training opportunities for doctors, nurses and laboratory staff;

• Review the possibility of incorporating complementary healthcare methods such as homeopathy and traditional medicine within the Malaysian health system;

• Step up health promotion activities, health education, preventive measures and monitoring of diseases;

• Encourage the greater involvement of women in the health sector, including training more women doctors to handle female patients.



(3) Housing



• Increase the number of good and comfortable low cost houses which meet household space and environmental needs;

• Overcome the “squatter” problem as quickly as possible, preferably through development of housing in situ and/or land sharing;

• Mandate a system of consultations between the “squatters”, developers and the authorities to reach settlement on matters of alternative housing or land or other compensation;

• Provide public facilities around flats to ensure a balanced and healthy personality development;

• Carry out efforts to provide easy and cheap credit facilities to help “squatters” to buy and own their houses.



(4) Social Services



• Carry out the responsibility of the government to provide comprehensive social services that are fair and efficient;

• Ensure that every housing project above a particular size provide social facilities, such as playing fields, public recreational clubs, libraries and so forth, for the use of the general public;

• Provide a systematic and comprehensive arrangement to protect and provide assistance to the poor, orphans and single parents;

• Ensure equal opportunities for the disabled to achieve self-improvement, education, careers, social participation and the provision of the necessary facilities to enable them to be independent in all public areas, facilities and buildings.



(5) Environment



• Formulate a long term sustainable development policy involving all strata of society, to promote full support from all levels of government, non-governmental organisations, political parties and the public at large;

• Amend the Environmental Protection Act so that no project can be started without the approval of the Environmental and Social Impact Assessment and the written commitment of the project proponents to implement all provisions for mitigation, as determined by the Department of Environment, with clear procedures for providing information and for consultations in the Environmental Impact Assessment process involving the main stakeholders;

• Coordinate the environmental protection laws at the state and federal levels so that enforcement and supervision can be more efficient and cost-effective;

• Implement laws relating to the protection of the national heritage, and increase fines for breaching the Environmental Protection Act and laws to protect our natural heritage;

• Ensure that every state gazettes a reasonable number of national parks, conservation parks, sites for new urban centres and housing development areas in its master plan;

• Work towards the standardisation of laws relating to forestry and logging among the various states and establish an independent inspection system to ensure that all these laws are firmly implemented;

• Encourage all the states to immediately gazette sufficient water catchment areas to meet the needs of the future;

• Consult with the state governments so that they implement the existing conservation plans and provide new conservation plans wherever necessary.



(6) Consumerism and Prices



• Strengthen consumer protection laws, especially those relating to price control, cost of services and their quality, particularly during festive seasons;

• Review the Consumer Act so that an independent Tribunal can be established, with participation from non-governmental organisations, to identify the list of necessary products and control price increases by establishing a price index for the purpose;

• Encourage the cooperative movement for production and distribution of necessary goods;

• Encourage consumer organisations to be more active in raising the awareness of consumers regarding their own rights;

• Regulate advertisements so that they will not degrade the dignity of women or other groups.



(7) Workers



• Form a framework of tripartite consultation that is effective, just and democratic, and amend laws relating to labour, trade unions and industrial relations consistent with it;

• Repeal or amend laws which restrict the right of workers to form, participate and be active in trade unions;

• Review and update retrenchment benefits and study the establishment of a national retrenchment fund to help retrenched workers;

• Fix a reasonable minimum monthly wage for daily paid workers;

• Fix a reasonable monthly wage for estate workers and seriously implement a housing scheme for estate workers;

• Provide an example for a five day work week with normal working period of not more than 40 hours a week;

• Review methods of recruitment and pay for foreign workers and reduce dependency on them;

• Recognise the right of trade unions and union leaders to participate in national politics;

• Increase the retirement age to 60 years for the public sector, consistent with the improvement of health and life span;

• Ensure equal pay and benefits for men and women doing equal work or performing similar duties;

• Increase maternity leave in the public sector to 90 days and introduce leave of 7 days for the husband;

• Develop programmes with the private sector for continuing education and training in order to improve flexibility, expertise and productivity of workers;

• Introduce retraining programmes for retrenched workers;

• Review the effectiveness of the National Institute for Work Safety and Health and overcome its deficiencies.



(8) Women



• Enforce strictly laws regarding the rights, interests and dignity of women and abolish laws and regulations that discriminate against women;

• Protect the rights and welfare of women who have been abandoned by their husbands without any reasonable support;

• Continue payments of pensions for widows even after they remarry;

• Provide creches within the community and also at places of work;

• Introduce flexible working hours for working women;

• Study the Women’s Agenda for Change in order to implement appropriate recommendations therein.



(9) Youth



• Give encouragement and facilities to youths in order to improve their talents in the fields of arts, sports and culture;

• Provide projects aimed especially at discovering leadership talent in individual, cultural, entrepreneurial and social development;

• Overcome problems, such as unemployment, drug abuse, drop-out and moral questions, faced by some youths with innovative methods;

• Provide greater opportunities for youths of different social backgrounds to participate in skills training and in economic projects;

• Provide more effective rehabilitation centres and work opportunities for youths that have become victims of social problems, so that they can be absorbed back into the community.



(10) The elderly and pensioners



• Fix a minimum pension level that will enable pensioners to sustain themselves;

• Encourage pensioners who are still able to work to contribute towards national development;

• Have a half fare system for the elderly and pensioners for all types of public transport;

• Make it obligatory for children or close relatives to look after the aged and support such moves by tax exemptions or some other incentives;

• Ensure that the elderly are given priority to go on the pilgrimage;

• Encourage non-governmental organisations to develop programmes and courses for the elderly and pensioners to improve their talents, develop new skills, participate in study tours; language courses, physical education and so forth.

Tuesday, February 12, 2008

How the hunter became the hunted

Posted By: Raja Petra

Soon after Ramli was suspended, ‘Tengku’ Goh, the underworld kingpin of the prostitution, drugs, gambling and loan-sharking syndicate was quietly released from detention. It makes one wonder if this is the real crux of the matter, the detention of ‘Tengku’ Goh, which was initiated by Ramli much to the displeasure of the IGP, the patron of the underworld.

In our previous article on 29 January 2008, Keystone Cops galore, we spoke about how the one-time Director of the Commercial Crime Division, Ramli Yusuff, was charged for flying around the Sabah jungles in a small police plane. Considering all the Ministers do the same and have thus far never been charged for ‘abuse of power’ or ‘corruption’, it makes one wonder whether this is a legitimate charge or just an excuse to get rid of Ramli.

In fact, the Prime Minister and his entire family and retinue of friends take overseas holidays -- which are therefore private visits -- using a government-owned Airbus. In the old days, Tunku Abdul Rahman would take six months leave without pay just to campaign for the general elections. And they say the Tunku is not as Islamic as Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.

Ramli was further charged for not declaring 20,000 Telekom Malaysia shares that he owns. When he made his asset declaration in August 2007, he had not yet purchased those shares. He purchased them the month after the asset declaration was made. The asset declaration was for the period 1970 until August 2007 and the Anti-Corruption Agency could not find anything incriminating in the statement of accounts the thickness of an Encyclopaedia that was submitted.

Initially, some ‘sources’ leaked information to the media that Ramli was being investigated for amassing assets worth RM27 million. The impression they tried to create was that he had illegally acquired these assets. Nothing was mentioned about the investigation being about non-declaration of assets and not for illegally acquiring them.

Only the ACA knew about this investigation and, under the Anti-Corruption Act, any ACA investigation is confidential and even the one being investigated is prohibited from talking about it. Furthermore, ACA investigation papers are stamped RAHSIA so they come under the Official Secrets Act. So, two laws were violated when these ‘sources’ leaked the facts of this case to the media.

Anyway, soon after Ramli was suspended, ‘Tengku’ Goh, the underworld kingpin of the prostitution, drugs, gambling and loan-sharking syndicate was quietly released from detention. It makes one wonder if this is the real crux of the matter, the detention of ‘Tengku’ Goh, which was initiated by Ramli much to the displeasure of the IGP, the patron of the underworld.

The one-time Deputy Prime Minister, Anwar Ibrahim, was charged for sodomising his driver in an apartment building that did not exist yet. When they realised their error, they amended the date of the charge to a time when the building had been completed. But then, on that second date, the driver was no longer in his employment so Anwar could not have sodomised a driver he did not have. So, yet again, they amended the date of the charge to a time when both the building was standing as well as the driver was still in his employment.

But they still could not pinpoint the date the sodomy act was supposed to have occurred. So, instead of proving that Anwar did in fact commit sodomy, they chose 90 days from 1 January to 31 March when the sodomy act PROBABLY could have taken place and then they made Anwar prove that it did not happen. The onus, therefore, was on Anwar to prove he DID NOT commit the crime instead of on the investigator and prosecutor to prove that he did, as what would normally be required in a criminal indictment.

And, today, this chief investigator and chief prosecutor in the Anwar case are the reigning Chief of Police (IGP) and Attorney-General (AG) respectively, the same two people who are putting Ramli out to dry.

Let us talk about the date discrepancy in Ramli's case, just like what happened in Anwar’s case. We have already addressed the issue of the 20,000 Telekom Malaysia shares. Ramli did not fail to declare them in his August 2007 asset declaration. He purchased them the month after the asset declaration was made. Now, on 17 July 2007, the month before the asset declaration, Ramli received a letter from the Pendakwa Raya of the Anti-Corruption Agency saying that he is being investigated for a crime as per ACA report number 098/2007. The ACA letter can be viewed below.

ACA report number 098/2007 was made by Azmi Ismail on 2 April 2007. The ACA report number 098/2007 can be viewed below.

According to Azmi’s ACA report, he said he SUSPECTS Ramli has committed an act of corruption based on another ACA report number 075/2007 made by Fikri Ab. Rahim on 8 March 2007. The ACA report number 075/2007 can be viewed below.

Now, what does ACA report number 075/2007 have to say since this whole case seems to rest on this first report?

Fikri said in his ACA report number 075/2007 that he has received information that between 1996 and 2006 a few police officers in Bukit Aman and in Perak received bribes from someone named Moo Sai Chin to settle a murder case.

Now, Ramli was never in Perak and he was never in charge of any murder investigation. Furthermore, no names were mentioned in Fikri’s ACA report but it can be assumed that it implicates those officers linked to the murder investigation, which was not Ramli. Fikri just said that he received information that certain police officers were believed to have received bribes. Since this report is vague and could have meant anybody, they conveniently picked this report up and linked Ramli to it.

Note the serial numbers of the ACA reports. The serial number of the 075/2007 report is 030348 while the serial number of the 098/2007 report is 030353. And both reports were made at the same place about one month apart. 23 reports later, the serial numbers moved only five places. And while everything has been typed, the number of the 075/2007 report is hand-written. Just that one item, the report number, has been hand-written.

What shoddy work. I don’t know about you but I certainly smell a rat. Another mattress in and out of court maybe? That is certainly reminiscent of what happened ten years ago in 1998 during Anwar Ibrahim’s trial that involved the same two people who are going for Ramli Yusuff’s throat.

Ramli's reply to this entire fiasco can be read in the 'Statement Under Oath' below.